Jul 22, 2015

A Black Drummer in the Seventeenth-Century Austrian Army

In December 1652 Ferdinand III went to Regensburg to take part in the Diet of Regensburg which was supposed to negotiate the unresolved issues of the Peace of Westphalia and resulted in the Youngest Recess of 1654. During their stay in Regensburg the Emperor and his wife Eleonora resided at the so-called "Bischofshof", the residence of the Prince-bishop of Regensburg, Franz Wilhelm von Wartenberg. Because the the imperial couple's activities as godparents during their stay were recorded in the earliest surviving baptismal register of Vienna's Imperial Chapel in the Hofburg Palace, we know that in Regensburg Ferdinand and Eleonore each served twice as godparents: on 16 June 1653 Empress Eleonora, together with her stepson Ferdinand IV, stood godparent at the baptism of Eleonora, a daughter of Count Ferdinand Karl zu Löwenstein-Wertheim-Rochefort (1616-1672) and on 15 November 1653, together with her husband, she served as godparent of Sophia, a daughter of Maximilian, Prince of Dietrichstein. The Emperor's two godchildren during his stay in Regensburg were the aforesaid Princess Dietrichstein and a young man from Africa who on 10 August 1653, in the St. Michael's Chapel of the bishop's palace, was christened Ferdinand Christian by the Regensburg prince-bishop Franz Wilhelm von Wartenberg. It seems that this African had belonged to the entourage of one of the attendees of the Diet and Ferdinand III decided to take the young man under his protection.

The entry concerning the baptism of Ferdinandus Christianus Morus in the chapel of the prince-bishop's residence in Regensburg (Vienna, Burgpfarre, Tom. 1, p. 22)
Die 10. Augusti 1653.
Ferdinandus Christianus Morus baptizatus fuit ab Ill[ustrissi]mo / Principe Ratisbonensi Francisco Willelmo. Compatre / S[ua] C[æsaria] M[aiestate] Ferdinandi Tertij in Capella Aulica Ratis- / bonæ.
On 10 August 1653.
The Moor Ferdinand Christian was baptized by the most honorable prince-bishop of Ratisbon Franz Wilhelm. As godfather officiated His Imperial Majesty Ferdinand III at the princely chapel in Ratisbon.
Ferdinand Christian took the family name "Ali" (a name that in 17th-century Europe was widely used for African people), he accompanied the Emperor to Vienna and became a hartschier and tympanist in the I. & R. Army. On 4 September 1661, in Vienna, Ferdinand Christian Ali married Elisabeth Keyblinger, the daughter of a baker from Steyr in Upper Austria. Interracial marriages were extremely rare in 17th-century Vienna. The entry in the records of St. Stephen's Cathedral concerning Ali's wedding is highly interesting, because it conveys the extraordinary impression that the groom made on the officiating priest. First, this source documents Ali's origin as "Borna in Mohrnlandt", i.e. today's Negele Borana in Ethiopia's Oromia Region, where he was born around 1635-40. And second, right at the end of his entry, the priest describes the groom with the words: "Æthiops sponsus niger" ("the groom is a black man from Ethiopia") and then – obviously being impressed by Ali's handsome physique – experiences a sudden poetic association and ads the words: "sed formosus." This of course is an allusion to a verse in the introduction of the Song of Songs: "Nigra sum sed formosa filiæ Hierusalem sicut tabernacula Cedar sicut pelles Salomonis." ("I am black, but beautiful, O ye daughters of Jerusalem, as the tents of Kedar, as the curtains of Solomon.")

The entry concerning the wedding of Ferdinand Christian Ali on 4 September 1661 (A-Wd, Tom. 22, fol. 149v). The note "1.2.3." at the beginning refers to the three publications of the banns. Although the name "Ali" at some later time was underlined as the groom's family name, this marriage is filed under "Christian" in the index.
Der Edl und Kunstreich[e] Herr Ferdinandt / Christian Ali. auß Mohrnlandt von der / Statt Borna gebirtig d[er] Ro:[misch] Kay:[serlichen] Maÿ:[estät] / Härtschier und Feldt Hör Paukher. nimbt / die Erntuge[n]tsamb Junkhfrau Elisabeth / Keÿblingerin. Weilent Andreæ Kajblingers / gewesten Burger und Bekhen zu Steÿr / und Christinæ seiner Ehelich[en] Hausfr.[au] Ehe.[liche] Dochter.
Testes. Mathias Graf Kaÿ[serin] Eleonoræ Härtschier.
            Ferdina[n]d von Critzendorf.
1.2.3. / copulavi / 4° 7bris. Æthiops sponsus niger sed formosus.
The noble and artful sir Ferdinand Christian Ali, born in the city of Borna in Ethiopia, His Roman Imperial Majesty's hartschier and field army tympanist, is taking as wedded wife the honorable and virtuous maiden Elisabeth Keyblinger, legitimate daughter of the late Andreas Keyblinger, former citizen and baker in Steyr, and Christina his married wife.
Witnesses. Mathias Graf, hartschier in the service of Empress Eleonora. / Ferdinand von Critzendorf.
1.2.3. [publications of the banns] I united them on 4 September. The groom is an Ethiopian black man but beautiful.
How did a black drummer in the I. & R. military in Vienna make the acquaintance of a girl from Upper Austria? Elisabeth Keyblinger was born on 8 February 1640 in Steyr, the daughter of the master baker Andreas Keyblinger and his wife Christina.

The entry concerning the baptism of Elisabeth Keyblinger. In the records of the Steyr Stadtpfarre Andreas Keyblinger's name also appears as "Ghoblinger" and "Khäblinger" (Steyr, Stadtpfarre Tom 1, p. 443).

Around 1650 Elisabeth's family moved to Vienna where Andreas Keyblinger established a bakery in the suburb of Neustift. He might well have supplied the army with baked goods which brought his daughter into contact with her future husband, the black tympanist. The presence of Elisabeth Keyblinger's family in Neustift is well-documented. On 19 June 1667 her brother Andreas Keyblinger (b. 30 November 1641 in Steyr [Stadtpfarre 1, p. 488]) got married at St. Ulrich's Church (St. Ulrich, Tom. 2, fol. 108v, and A-Wd, Tom. 23, fol. 268r). On 11 September 1652 Elisabeth Keyblinger's father died in Neustift and was buried on the following day in the St. Ulrich parish cemetery.

The entry concerning the burial of Andreas Keyblinger ("Neustift Andre Keiblinger ein bekh und nachbar") on 12 September 1652 (Pfarre St. Ulrich, Tom. 2, p. 77)

To keep the bakery going, on 18 January 1653 Andreas Keyblinger's widow Christina married the "beckhenjung" (apprentice baker) Christoph Loder from Gleisdorf in Styria (St. Ulrich, Tom. 1a, fol. 108v).

I have not tried to figure out how the drummer Ferdinand Christian Ali and his family fared after 1661. This might be an interesting topic of research for other historians. I just wanted to show how in the seventeenth century the Austrian military was eager to make use of the skills of an African musician.

Rembrandt van Rijn, Black Drummer and Commander, ca. 1638  (The British Museum, Oo,10.122)

Jul 12, 2015

Concerning Kyselak

When the Kulturamt der Stadt Wien (The City of Vienna's Department of Culture) decides to sponsor research in the field of Vienna's cultural history, the results are rarely valuable or significant. The main cause for this general deficiency is the fact that an applicant has to meet almost no scholarly prerequisites to receive a grant. To get one's hands on taxpayers' money, one has to meet three essential requirements: 1) know the right people, 2) establish a fundable society (three members will do), and 3) propose a research topic that will attract the interest of the head of the Kulturamt der Stadt Wien.

The Kyselak Project

In 2006 the Austrian art historian Gabriele Goffriller applied to the Kulturamt der Stadt Wien for a grant to do research on the life of the legendary Viennese figure Joseph Kyselak. Kyselak was an Austrian mountaineer and travel writer whose enduring fame is based on his habit of writing his name on prominent places during his hikes across the Austrian Monarchy.

Kyselak's name on an obelisk in the Schwarzenbergpark in Neuwaldegg. There is no proof that this engraving (Kyselak used to paint his name) is genuine. Most of today's Kyselak inscriptions are considered modern forgeries.

The project submitted by Goffriller and her collaborator, the film director Chico Klein, consisted of biographical research and – as main part of her enterprise – a reissue of Kyselak's book Skizzen einer Fußreise durch Oesterreich, Steiermark, Kärnthen, Berchtesgaden, Tirol und Baiern nach Wien (Vienna: Anton Pichler 1829).

From the start the project had excellent chances to receive public funding, because it is well known that the (at that time) head of the Kulturamt Hubert Christian Ehalt has always been an avid Kyselak aficionado. To improve the prospects of realization even more, the applicants shifted Kyselak's significance to the field of art history, by branding Kyselak as graffiti artist, "the world's first tagger", an early predecessor of later tagging phenomena, such as "Kilroy was here". Of course, Kyselak was nothing of that kind. He was not an artist, but just an enthusiastic hiker and bad writer who had an obsession with writing his name on public surfaces. The so-called "Kyselak-Projekt" was funded by the City of Vienna and not only resulted in a new edition of Kyselak's travel book ("Herausgegeben von Gabriele Goffriller und mit einem Vorwort von Gabriele Goffriller und Chico Klein") and the establishment of a website, but also led to the production of a TV documentary, titled Kyselak war da! Graffiti anno 1825.

In the foreword of this book the authors present research on Joseph Kyselak that is fraught with ridiculous mistakes. That Goffriller and Klein were not qualified to do archival research on the biography of a figure from the Biedermeier era had already become obvious in their project report ("Wissenschaftsstipendium - Abschlussbericht ") which on 30 April 2007 they submitted to the Kulturamt der Stadt Wien (A-Wst, B-289705). This report already contains all the nonsense that was to make its way into the foreword of the book. In this report the authors provide a list of "supporting organisations and individuals" (40 people) to whom they give credit, none of whom seems to have  been involved in the actual work connected with the project. Goffriller and Klein spoke with many educated people, but they seem to have asked none of them for advice. Their problem was one which is very common among Viennese researchers: they could not read the archival sources. This post is not a detailed review of Goffriller's and Klein's book, because it is not possible to address all the mistakes that are presented in this publicly funded collection of (as the authors called it) "Fakten zur Biographie" (facts concerning the biography). Hence a list of the book's worst flaws should suffice.
  • The authors were unable to figure out Joseph Kyselak's date and place of birth. The currently accepted date 22 December 1799 is based on the article by Valerie Hanus and Robert Hösch in the Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon. This date is wrong (see below).
  • To specify Kyselaks year of birth the authors relied on a catalog of pupils of the Vienna Piarist Gymnasium. They present it as "the earliest verified source concerning Kyselak's year of birth". In this catalog Joseph is given as twelve and his brother Wilhelm Kyselak as eleven years of age. The fact that both boys appear in the same catalog proves that this document does not cover one single year. As a matter of fact this catalog was alrady begun in 1810 and covers three consecutive school years which are given on the cover. On the first page the original date "1810" was corrected into "1811" which also points to the fact that the catalog covers more than one year. This source is not proof that Joseph Kyselak was born in 1799, it only documents that he was one year older than his brother Wilhelm.

The cover of the catalog of pupils of the Vienna Piarist Gymnasium between 1810 and 1812

  • The addresses of Kyselak's family, given by the authors as "until 1804 Josefstadt 72, then house 28 (Strozzigasse 8)" are false. The documented addresses of the Kyselak family (according to the 1821 numbering) are: St. Ulrich 100 (Lerchenfelder Straße 20), Windmühle 10 (Mariahilfer Straße 17), Neubau 142 (Siebensterngasse 46), Neubau 130 (Burggasse 49), Josephstadt 30 (Josefstädter Straße 9), St. Ulrich 91 (Neudeggergasse 21), St. Ulrich 74 (Lerchenfelder Straße 9), Strozzigrund 5 (Strozzigasse 6), and Spittelberg 144 (Kirchberggasse 37). 
  • Because the authors were unable to decipher even one archival source, they had to base their account of Kyselak's career as state official on a letter, written in 1964 by Hanns Leo Mikoletzky to Franz Beranek, which contains a transcription of a statement of the Court Chamber concerning Kyselak's employment. Either Mikoletzky's transcription is already flawed, or the authors had problems reading Mikoletzky's handwriting. Either way, the edition of this document, presented in the book without any documentary context, is rife with absurd mistranscriptions that could have been easily avoided, had the authors consulted at least one expert. The fantasy names of three state officials alone, namely "Kaseburg", "Figl" and "Füljac" (instead of Kesenberg, Gigl and Fuljöd) are worth the price of the book. The hilarious transcription mishaps "Vorwirkungen" and "Tilgungs-Dezutation" are the icing on the cake.
  • The statement "Danach liest man nichts mehr" ("nothing can be read thereafter") on p. 8 might well be the funniest euphemism for an author's inability to locate and read archival sources.
  • The application by Kyselak's mother for financial support was not submitted on 23 October 1831, but two days earlier. This request also did not imply "a support of 30 to 40 gulden Conventionsmünze". It was unthinkable for an applicant to propose even a rough amount regarding his financial needs. All shelf marks of archival sources in the Municipal and Provincial Archives of Vienna, given by Goffriller and Klein, are flawed. So is their transcription of the entry in the death register concerning Kyselak's death.
  • All sources related to Kyselak's death – most of which remained unknown to the authors – prove that Kyselak died on 17 September 1831 and that the date on his Sperrs-Relation is wrong. He also did not die at the cholera hospital at Strozzigrund 26 (today's Strozzi Palace), but was already dead on arrival at this hospital.

The entry in the records of the cholera hospital on the Strozzigrund concerning the arrival of Kyselak's body: "30 J. auch [Brechdurchfall] Todt überbracht." ("30 years old, diarrhea with vomiting, dead on arrival"). The use of the term "Cholera" was not permitted.

  • The absolute high point of Goffriller's and Klein's jumble of errors appears in a chapter titled "Kyselak's interests and his library", where a library of about 2,000 books, listed in a catalog held by the Wienbibliothek (H.I.N. 150.248), is erroneously attributed to Joseph Kyselak. According to Goffriller and Klein this catalog "was drawn up after Kyselak's death" by a certain "Christian Kantfuhs". This person is of course the Leipzig-born book seller and book appraiser Christian Gottfried Kaulfuß (1779-1833). A picture on p. 10 of the book shows a page from the library catalog and to anyone who has ever done research in the Municipal and Provincial Archives of Vienna, it is immediately clear that the handwriting in this catalog is that of Joseph's cousin Franz Kysselak[!] (22 September 1792 - 1 May 1879), son of Florian Kyselak from Němčice nad Hanou, a counselor at the Vienna Court of Criminal Justice. Franz Kysselak's handwriting is well known to historians from the eight volumes of Memorabilien that Kysselak wrote between 1814 and 1870 and which contain noteworthy death notices from the Wiener Zeitung. Together with a valuable collection of documents related to court cases, Kysselak bequeathed his Memorabilien to the City of Vienna. They are today held by the City Archive (A-Wsa, Handschriften, 3.4.A.112.1-8) and until a few years ago were kept on an open shelf in the archive's reading room. The catalog held by the Wienbibliothek contains the library of Franz Kysselak. Unlike his poor cousin, Franz Kysselak, who retired in 1853 with an annual pension of 1,600 gulden, had the financial means to establish an impressive collection of books whose catalog at some time was mislabeled by its previous owner Josef Auer. But there is still no excuse for the authors' misattribution of the library to Joseph Kyselak, who according to his 1831 probate file left behind "nothing, except a few clothes, which, following his request, were given to his brother". Goffriller and Klein not only were aware of Franz Kysselak's existence, they also quote from a handwritten biography of his cousin that Franz Kysselak gave to Constant von Wurzbach on the occasion of a personal visit to Kysselak's home at Stiftgasse 31/2/8. Wurzbach "left no stone unturned" in trying to find out more about Joseph Kyselak, whom in his lexicon he describes as "Sonderling" (odd customer). The authors should have realized that the handwriting in the library catalog is the same as the one in Franz Kysselak's notes. It occurred to neither of them to ask how a poor "Registraturs-Akzessist" could acquire a library of almost 2,000 books.

Franz Kysselak's entry in vol. 5 of his Memorabilien concerning the death of his friend, the book appraiser Christian Kaulfuß on 24 December 1833 (A-Wsa, Handschriften, 3.4.A.112.5, fol. 127v)

The paragraph concerning Franz Kysselak's library ("legirt der Gemeinde Wien") in his 1879 probate records (A-Wsa, BG Neubau, A4, 494/1879)

The passage in Franz Kysselak's will where he bequeaths his library, maps and portraits to the City of Vienna: "Zur Vermeidung der mit der dort gewünschten Überführung meiner Bibliothek nach Kremsier verbundenen nahmhaften Kosten vermache ich meine sämmtlichen Bücher, Land- und Geschichtskarten, sowie die Porträts-Sammlung, sammt den vier großen zerlegbaren Bücherkästen mit Glasthüren der Gemeinde Wien aus Dankbarkeit, dass ich bei ihr mein Brod gefunden, und dass sie mich über meine Dienstzeit hinaus erhalten hat, und bestimme, dass diese Sammlung ungetheilt einer von dem wohllöblichen Gemeinderathe zu bestimmenden Anstalt zugewiesen werde." (A-Wsa, BG Neubau, A9, 32/1879)

  • In June 1829 Joseph Kyselak sent his newly published two-volume travel book to Archduke Charles, together with a letter of dedication which today is held by the Austrian National Library (A-Wn, Autogr. 477/21-1 Han). It ends with an outburst of Kyselak's typical hyperbole (obviously referring to some financial support that he had received from the Archduke): "Millionen Gutthaben keimten aus Euerer Kaiserlichen Hoheit Segenshänden und wuchsen riesengroß auf der Freude athmenden Welt zu mächtigen Früchten des Glücks! Auch dem demüthighst Gefertigten wurde solch ein Gnadenpflänzchen zu Theil, und er gelobet, es bis zum Hinscheiden nur mit ewiger Liebe und Dankbarkeit für seinen höchsten Erzherzog und Gebiether zu pflegen." For fairly obvious reasons the authors did not publish the text of Kyselak's letter. All they present in their book is a photograph of Kyselak's signature. Not surprisingly Goffriller and Klein were unable to locate any of the other Kyselak autographs held by Viennese archives. 
Since the largest part of Goffriller's and Klein's book consists of the republication of Kyselak's Skizzen einer Fußreise – which is available on Google Books anyway – the published result of the Kyselak Project seamlessly fits into a series of other dubious enterprises that were funded by the Kulturamt der Stadt Wien. Once the funding is granted and the money is released, this splendid institution apparently never vets or evaluates the actual outcome of a project.

Joseph Michael Kyselak's Birth (And his Godfathers)

The pivotal source for the currently accepted date of Joseph Kyselak's birth, which also appears on three Wikipedia pages, is the Kyselak article by Valerie Hanus (1915-2004) and Robert Hösch (1906-1998) in vol. 4 of the Österreichisches Biographisches Lexikon. This article, published in 1969, begins as follows:

The information "Wien-Spittelberg" is totally mystifying, because neither Joseph nor his brother Wilhelm Kyselak were born in the suburb of Spittelberg. This error may have originated from the fact that Joseph Kyselak died at Spittelberg 144. The information concerning the supposed place of Joseph Kyselak's birth becomes even more curious, as it turns out that the date "22.12.1799" is based on the entry concerning the baptism of Joseph's younger brother Wilhelm Kyselak in the records of St. Josef ob der Laimgrube. This source, which must have been consulted by Dr. Hanus for the ÖBL article, shows that Wilhelm Kyselak was not born in Spittelberg, but at the house Windmühle 10 ("The Green Salt-Bucket", today Mariahilfer Straße 17). Why Wilhelm Kyselak's baptismal entry was used in the ÖBL as source for Joseph's date of birth is unknown. It appears to have been a kind of workaround, following the motto: "It is the wrong person, but at least it is a Kyselak." Valerie Hanus probably never visited the parish office and relied on the false information she got from the parish secretary. Wilhelm Karl Kyselak's baptismal entry looks as follows:

The entry concerning the baptism of Joseph Kyselak's younger brother Wilhelm Karl on 22 December 1799 (Pfarre St. Josef ob der Laimgrube, Tom. 7, fol. 49)

From this entry we learn that the maiden name of Kyselak's mother was Seiffert (her father had been Johann Seiffert, an innkeeper in Brno) and that Wilhelm's godfather was the "K.K. Familiengüter Oberbuchhalter" Joseph Michael Kloiber who was substituted by his nine-year-old son Wilhelm (signing as "Wilhelm Kloiber in Nammen meines Vaters Michael K."). Joseph Michael Kloiber (1762-1807) was a colleague of the child's father, a deputy bookkeeper at the K.K. Geheimes Kammer-Zahl-Amt, und Departement der K.K. Familie Herrschaften. Wilhelm Kyselak, with the help of his father, was able to secure a post as "Rentamts-Schreiber" (revenue office scribe) at the Imperial estate in Razkewe (today Ráckeve) in Hungary. After the death of his brother, Wilhelm on 4 January 1832 came to Vienna and after a three-week stay probably took his widowed mother with him to Hungary. Josepha Kyselak did not die in Vienna.

Distracted by the false lead in the ÖBL, a misinterpretation of the 1831 death register ("von hier geb." refers to Vienna, not to Spittelberg) and ignorant of the distribution of 18th-century Vienna parish districts, Goffriller looked for Joseph Kyselak's baptismal entry in the records of St. Ulrich's, because she assumed that Kyselak was born in Spittelberg ("Die Taufbücher der Pfarre St. Ulrich - wohin Kyselaks Familie ihrem Wohnsitz nach zuständig war - zeigen keinen Eintrag"). But even if the Kyselaks had lived in Spittelberg that would not have meant that Joseph would have been baptized at St. Ulrich's. The situation is a little more difficult, since the districts of the suburbs were not congruent with those of the parishes. A part of Spittelberg belonged to the parish of Maria Treu and so did the part of St. Ulrich that was located north of the Rofranogasse (today's Lerchenfelder Straße). As of 1798 the Kyselak family lived at St. Ulrich 79 ("Zum [schönen/goldenen] Geiger", last No. 100, today Lerchenfelder Straße 20). In this house Joseph Michael Kyselak was born on 9 March 1798 and baptized at the Piarist Church of Maria Treu. He received his (heretofore unknown) second forename from his godfather Joseph Michael Kloiber who at the ceremony was substituted by Joseph Anton Fellner (1765-1826), another member of the staff of the K.K. Familien=Güter=Direktion (the Administration of the Estates of the I. & R. Family).

The entry concerning the baptism of Joseph Michael Kyselak on 9 March 1798 at the Vienna Piarist Church (Pfarre Maria Treu, Tom. 7, fol. 164)
Lit. c
G.[eburts] u. T.[auf] Tag. 9 [März 1798.]
Taufend. [a]uc[h] [Rupert Enk]
Getaufte. Joseph Michael
V Joseph Gissalek Diurnist Kyselack / M Josepha geb Seiffert
Taufpathen. Joseph Michael Koiter Kloiber Buchhalter / bei d[er] k.k. Familien Güter Direktion / statt dessen / Joseph Anton Fellner Ingrossist / eben da
Rel.[igion] [a]uc[h] [kath.]
. J.[oseph] St.[adt]
beim Geiger
Barbara Gruber
This baptismal entry contains one error: the house "Zum Geiger" was not located in the Josephstadt, but in St. Ulrich. Josephstadt 79 was the house "Zur Weißen Rose". In the records the priests varied the description of the "Geiger" house. They give it as "Schottengasse 79 gold. Geiger" (fol. 163), "Neud. gold. Geiger 79" (fol. 180) and  "N.[eudegger] G.[rund] beim Geiger 79" (fol. 249). In some of the death records the house also appears under its correct address "St. Ulrich 79" (Tom. 8, fol. 63). The house was named after its first owner, the gilder Andreas Geiger, who died there on 23 July 1801 at the age of 62.

Joseph Michael Kyselak's place of birth: the house St. Ulrich 100 ("Zum Geiger", Lerchenfelderstraße 20) on a photograph by August Stauda from 1899 (A-Wn, ST 298F). This house was built in 1776 and covered an area of 259 m2. It was torn down in 1900.

The house Lerchenfelder Straße 18-24 today

Joseph Kyselak's godfather Joseph Michael Kloiber was born in 1762, the son of Johann Georg Kloiber (1738-1801) and his wife Maria, née Strohmayer. By the time he applied to the Lower Austrian Government for a marriage permit in April 1789, he was working as an accountant for Christoph Baron Stiebar auf Buttenheim. On 4 May 1789 in the parish church of Jedlersdorf  Kloiber married Magdalena Fridlberg (b. 12. September 1770 in Tulln), daughter of the judge Anton Fridlberg (1731-1784) and his wife Maria Anna, née Weltischhofer. Kloiber and his wife had four children: 1) Wilhelm Joseph (who in 1799 was to stand proxy for his father at Wilhelm Kyselak's baptism), born on 22 October 1790 (A-Wsm, Tom. 18,  fol. 82), 2) Karl, born in 1792, 3) Wilhelmine, born on 18 August 1794  (A-Wsm, Tom. 18,  fol. 121), and 4) Karoline Wilhelmine, born on 2 May 1797 (Altsimmering, Tom. 5, fol. 100).

The final paragraph of Joseph Michael Kloiber's application for a marriage permit of 22 April 1789 with Kloiber signing as "Buchhalter bei P. T. Herrn Freÿherrn von Stiebar" (A-Wstm, SP, VKA 347/1789)

Before Kloiber became an accountant with the K.K. Familien=Güter=Oberdirektion, he had already bought a house in the village of Simmering, south of Vienna. In April 1800, for 10,000 gulden, he purchased the Rosenhof in Simmering, together with more than 30 acres of land, from Eleonore von Pelser, née von Fürnberg (a granddaughter of Haydn's early employer Karl Joseph von Fürnberg). Kloiber was able to enjoy his state as landowner for only seven years: on 28 August 1807 he died in Simmering of "Nervenfieber" at the age of 45.

The entry concerning the death of Joseph Kyselak's godfather Joseph Michael Kloiber ("Kais: Kön: Familien-Hof-Buchhalter; und Hausbesitzer allhier") on 28 August 1807 at Simmering No. 53 (Pfarre Altsimmering, Tom. 5, fol. 137)

Kloiber's wife Magdalena only survived her husband by three months. At the surprisingly young age of 37 she died of a stroke on 14 November 1807 at Stadt 82 where she had been staying with her sister Franziska Zehe. Of four children only Wilhelm and Karl Kloiber survived their parents. The "Ingrossist" Joseph Anton Fellner, who stood proxy for his colleague Kloiber at Joseph Kyselak's baptism, was born around 1765 in the Bohemian village of Pašinka. In 1797 in Vienna he fathered a daughter with a certain Juliana Pascher and on the occasion of the christening of this child pretended to the Piarist priest Rupert Enk that he was already married to the child's mother (Maria Treu 7, fol. 123). Fellner married Pascher but on 7 January 1798 (Maria Treu 4, fol. 232). By the time his first wife died on 26 March 1808 (St. Ulrich 27, fol. 95), Fellner had already been promoted to the rank of "Rechnungsofficial" (accounting official) at the K.K. Familien=Fonds=Buchhalterey. One of his immediate colleagues at this office was the composer Vinzenz Hauschka. Joseph Fellner married again on 31 July 1808 (Landstraße 3, fol. 136). His second wife was Maria Anna Proll, the daughter of a mailman from Landstraße.

The seals and signatures on Joseph Anton Fellner's 1808 marriage contract. Fellner's best man was the "K.K. Holz Empfänger" (I. & R. wood purchaser)  Anton Geyer, a colleague at the Familien=Güter=Oberdirection, the bride's witness was Joseph von Jekl, the owner of the pharmacy "Zum goldenen Reichsapfel" (A-Wsa, Patrimonialherrschaften, Schotten 31037).

With his second wife Fellner had two children: Antonia, born 1 August 1810 (Maria Treu, 9, fol. 62) and Carolina, born 2 May 1812 (Maria Treu 9, fol. 165). Joseph Anton Fellner, who secured a small bit of posthumous prominence by officiating as proxy godfather at Joseph Kyselaks baptism, died on 20 January 1826 of a stroke. He was survived by his wife and his three daughters, whose uncle Johann Fellner (also an accountant with the K.K. Familien=Fonde and a friend of Vinzenz Hauschka) was appointed their guardian.

Epilogue (And Another Document)

In 2011 I spent several weeks doing research on Kyselak and copying all Kyselak documents held by Viennese archives. I consider my collection of primary sources complete and the preceding notes convey only a very small part of my research. The collected Kyselak documents will at some time be published in an article that avoids the usual journalistic triviality and deals with this interesting personality on a scholarly level. There was much more to this man than just the notorious "tagging mania". Kyselak was a highly talented individual whom his superiors described as "geprüfter, rechtschaffener, fleissiger und fähiger Jüngling" (a qualified, righteous, diligent and competent young man). Any serious study of Kyselak's biography must also deal with his musical activities and his friendship with interesting people such as the painter Johann Carl Smirsch and the actor Karl Rereni. However, a (paid!) scholarly publication of all Kyselak documents currently seems almost impossible in Kyselak's hometown. There is no serious medium that would be willing pay for this kind of work and the sparsely running wells of public funding are continuously sucked dry by pompous, but shallow projects that their incompetent promotors consider "state of the art".

The Baden diplomat Franz Xaver von Andlaw-Birseck, who in his 1857 memoirs quotes several passages from Kyselak's Skizzen einer Fußreise, called the hyperbole of Kyselak's writing style "rührender, gemüthlicher Galimathias" (touching and cozy nonsense). The fact that Kyselak today is an exhibit in Vienna's Literature Museum, is embarrassing proof that in Austria, writing your name on walls, will make you being taken for a poet. In 1825 the "Registraturs-Praktikant" Joseph Kyselak applied to the I. & R. Court Chamber to be awarded a post as "Registraturs-Accessist". Together with his application he submitted 17 documents concerning his education and ended his letter with a begging statement in the typically florid (basically untranslatable) Kyselak prose that is so characteristic for his travel book.

Joseph Kyselak's exquisite penmanship on his application to the I. & R. Court Chamber
Möge doch dießmal Eine Hochlöbliche K:K: Hofkammer seine innigste Bitte erhören, und ihm durch Verleihung dieser unterthänigst angesuchten Dienststelle, Glück, Belohnung, und die schon verscheuchte Gemüthsruhe, so schöpferisch zufließen lassen. Fort würde er dann auf der kaum betrettenen Seegensbahn eilen und mit Fleiß, Genauigkeit und rastloser Erfüllung der strengsten Pflicht, jeden seiner Schritte adeln, um dereinst auf den Stuffen der Zufriedenheit aller seiner hohen Vorgesetzten beruhiget zu ersterben!
May but on this occasion a most honorable I. & R. Court Chamber grant his most heartfelt request, and by awarding him this most humbly requested office, creatively accrue to him happiness, gratification, and the peace of mind that had already been scared away. Henceforth he would run the newly entered course of blessings and honor his every move with diligence, accuracy and the restless performance of the most stringent duties, to calmly die one day on the steps of the satisfaction of all his high superiors!

Jun 28, 2015

A Fictitious Jewish Ghetto in 1768 Vienna

Vienna's second Jewish ghetto was established on 5 August 1625, following an imperial decree by Ferdinand II. It was located in the "Unterer Werd" in the Leopoldstadt, north of the Carmelite convent. The settlement resulted in the creation of a "Judenstadt" which soon developed splendidly.

The area of the Jewish ghetto in the Leopoldstadt in 1670 and in 1845 (Ignaz Schwarz: Das Wiener Ghetto. Vienna 1909, and Robert Messner: Die Leopoldstadt im Vormärz. Vienna 1979). The map on the left from Schwarz's book has been copied many times, although it shows a grossly misplaced Donaukanal. In both illustrations the Carmelite church is at the bottom right.

Various circumstances, such as the Jews being falsely accused of having caused the fire at the Hofburg in the night of 13 February 1668, as well as a vow, taken by Margarita Teresa, the bigot wife of Leopold I, caused the Emperor to comply with the decision of the Vienna City Council, to expel the Jews and have the ghetto closed. In July 1669 the first, in August 1669 the second order of expulsion was decreed. More than 1,600 individuals had to leave the city, only a small number of wealthy and influential Jews remained who tried everything possible to make the Emperor reconsider his decision. By 26 July 1670 the ghetto had to be completely evacuated and as of August 1670 all Jews had left Vienna. Their houses were sold at a loss of 52,858 gulden. St. Leopold's Church was built on the foundation of the new synagogue and consecrated on 18 August 1670 in the presence of the whole court and all ambassadors. In 1675 the remains of the old synagogue were used to build St. Margareth's Church. Only one cultural site could be preserved: for a sum of 4,000 gulden the City of Vienna agreed to take care of the Jewish Cemetery in the Roßau. Although the expulsion of the Jewish community had disastrous long-term consequences for Vienna's economy, the court chamber was unable to convince the Emperor of the necessity to have the Jews return to Vienna. Leopold stuck to his conviction that this issue had to be considered "first theologically, then politically, and only last economically". The negotiations were not successful, the return of the Jews in huge numbers and a re-establishment of a Jewish community never came to be. Only individual permits were granted. In later times the Leopoldstadt became the favorite area of Jewish residents, but there never was another Jewish ghetto in Vienna.

The former area of the Jewish ghetto in the Leopoldstadt on Joseph Daniel von Huber's 1778 map of Vienna. On the left is the Carmelite church of St. Joseph, on the right the church of St. Leopold which was erected in 1670 on the site of the synagogue.

In 2009 the Canadian musicologist Caryl Clark published a monograph, titled Haydn's Jews: Representation and Reception on the Operatic Stage.

In this book Clark presented several interesting ideas concerning some of Haydn's musical works and the Jewish communities in the composer's immediate environment. The book's central hypothesis is that the title character of Haydn's opera Lo Speziale (The Apothecary), composed in 1768 to a libretto by Carlo Goldoni and first performed at Eszerháza, is an encoded representation of the typical “stage Jew” of the time, and would have been recognized as a Jew by contemporary audiences. Devoting a long chapter of the book to Haydn's masses, Clark also tries to show that Haydn composed the Missa brevis Sancti Joannis de Deo (written ca. 1773-76) for the Barmherzige Brüder (the Brothers Hospitallers of St. John of God), who were interested in converting Jews as part of their mission. Clark tries to support this theory on the basis of the omission of a line from the Credo, "Et in unum Dominum Jesum Christum" which she suggests was omitted to make the Mass more acceptable to Jews in the process of conversion. This secenario appears even less tenable considering the fact that in 1670 not a single Viennese Jew had converted to escape expulsion.

In a chapter, titled "Jews in Haydn's World" Clark writes the following (p. 48-51):
Haydn had ample opportunity to observe Jews in his working environments in both Vienna and Eisenstadt. By the time he was involved in the revival of Der (neue) krumme Teufel with Kurz-Bernardon in Vienna he was already frequenting the church of the Barmherzige Brüder – the Brothers of Mercy – in the nearby suburb known as the Leopoldstadt, where he was an occasional employee. Located just outside the walled city across the canal, the Leopoldstadt was also the home of Vienna's Jewish ghetto. [...] Directly across from the hospice along the west side of Taborstrasse, the main thoroughfare linking the Leopoldstadt to the canal bridge (the Schlagbrücke – today's Schwedenbrücke) was the Judenstadt, or Jewish ghetto (Map 2).
"Map 2", which is referred to at this point, is the rough map of Vienna in Georg Matthäus Vischer's 1672 Topographia archiducatus Austriæ Inferioris modernæ. It shows the Schlagbrücke across the Donaukanal, but not the Jewish ghetto.

Vienna on Georg Matthäus Vischer's Topographia archiducatus Austriæ Inferioris modernæ in Clark's book Haydn's Jews. Note the three[!] mistakes in the caption (Clark 2009, p. 52).

After explaining the origin of the term "ghetto" Clark continues:
Similarly isolated and isolating was the Viennese ghetto. Called 'Unterer Werth' (Below truth[sic!]), it was founded across the Danube River from the northern gates of the walled city in 1624. Despite the constant threat of flooding, and a high child mortality rate, this small Jewish settlement flourished, growing to encompass 132 houses in 1670. That same year Emperor Leopold I acquiesced to various pressures, including that of his Spanish consort, who blamed the Jews for the miscarriage she had recently suffered, and ordered their expulsion. Long stigmatized as 'godless, dishonorable, filthy, and uncultured', Jews were now labelled 'enemies of Jesus' for having failed to change their ways (i.e. convert) and, for the second time in their history, they were expelled from their city. [...] So despite the warnings of several advisers, but at the urging of many Viennese merchants, the Judenstadt was destroyed and the synagogue torn down and replaced by a Catholic church, the Karmeliter-Kirche[sic!].
Clark refers to Ignaz Schwarz's book Das Wiener Ghetto (Vienna 1909), but she seems to have had some problems understanding certain parts of that book. Her translation of "Unterer Werth" as "Below truth" is utterly mystifying. The German word "Werth" (also "Wörth" and "Werd") means island. Thus the term "Unterer Werth" refers to the lower island (i.e. the lower part of the Leopoldstadt). The synagogue was not replaced by the Karmeliterkirche (which had been built decades earlier), but by St. Leopold's Church.

Clark's book received a number of positive reviews, but the two only real experts among the reviewers, Jeanne Swack and Bruce Alan Brown, more or less thrashed it unmercifully. In her review in Musica Judaica Online Reviews Swack described most of Clark's forced arguments as untenable. Swack pointed out that in 18th-century opera there simply are no secretly-encoded Jews and that the authors at that time went out of their way to make sure the audience knew the character is Jewish. The characterisation of these figures is generally so unambiguous that Haydn's "veiled Jews" are not awaiting a 21st-century unmasking. Concerning the concept of "conversion masses with missing lines" (which is a very laboured concept to begin with, because the attendance of Jews at a performance of a mass is never proved) Swack argued that the line "Et in unum Dominum Jesum Christum", which is also missing from the Credos of three other Haydn masses, including the late Theresienmesse, is hardly the only line in the Mass ordinary that Jews would find objectionable. In his review in the Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies Bruce Brown was very polite, but unforgivingly pointed out all of the book's flawed arguments, factual mistakes and funny translation mishaps. Brown addressed the basic incompatibility of Clark's ideas that "converts were attracted to the incomprehensible 'Mauscheln'-like polytextuality of the Credo, yet also somehow could tell that Haydn had omitted a crucial article of belief in its text". Brown concluded his review as follows: "However well-intentioned this book's author may be, it is distressing that she does not let the evidence lead where it may, but instead feels compelled to twist the reader's arm at nearly every turn."

Soon after the publication of her book Caryl Clark wrote an article, titled "Encountering 'Others' in Haydn's Lo Speziale (1768)" whose proposition is based on the same core argument as her book: the characterisation of Sempronio in Haydn's Lo Speziale as a Jew, a "judaized apothecary", who is "of even lower stature than the Muslim" and "marginalized even more than the Gypsy". To add to this premise even Volpino, appearing in Turkish disguise in the thirteenth scene of the opera, is cast into the light of "veiled Jewishness": the "dadl dadl" in his aria "Salamelìca Semprugna cara" is declared by Clark to bear a resemblance to Hasidic nigun. In Goldoni's original libretto the line in question consists of a simple "Là, là, là, là".

Such a far-fetched association – the scene of the disguised Volpino is a classic caricature of a Turk – can only be presented by somebody who has but a faint notion of folk music of Haydn's time, not to mention the Viennese "Dudlen". Because Haydn's proximity to Jews and Jewish culture in Vienna and Eisenstadt is supposed to have inspired his use of supposed nigun in Volpino's Turkish aria, Clark again has to address the topography of the Jewish communities in these two cities. Trimming a passage from her book into a shorter section of her article, Clark only uses the description of Vienna's Jewish ghetto, but fails to include the crucial second part that describes the closing of this very same site. This mistake leads to the bizarre presentation of Haydn in 1768, witnessing everyday life in a Jewish ghetto that had only existed until 1670. Concerning Haydn's supposed contact with Jews in Vienna Clark writes the following:
What might Haydn have known about niggun? Is it possible that he may have heard snatches of similar melodies allied to meaningless syllables emerging from the Jewish ghettos in Vienna or Eisenstadt near where he worked? Certainly he would have had ample opportunity to observe Jews in his working environments in both these locations, especially when his activities took him to the church or apothecary shop located in the adjacent monastery complexes of the Barmherzige Brüder ('Brothers Hospitallers'). In Haydn's day[sic!] the Leopoldstadt ghetto in Vienna (current second district) was located on the far side of the bridge that crossed the Donaukanal, a branch of the Danube, to the north of the ramparts. Here, on the west side of Taborstrasse, the Jews lived in their ghetto, directly across the street from where the Barmherzige Brüder lived and worked. ("Encountering 'Others' in Haydn's Lo Speziale (1768)", p. 296-67)
To demonstrate that "the Jews lived in their ghetto, directly across the street from where the Barmherzige Brüder lived" this passage in Clark's article is followed by a footnote referring to (what else?) the Vischer map of Vienna on p. 52 of Clark's book. As can be seen above, this map has no documentary value as far as the location of Vienna's Jewish ghetto is concerned. In 2014 Clark's article was published by the Hollitzer-Wissenschaftsverlag in volume II of the multi-part series Ottoman Empire and European Theatre. This book (which contains a number of other stunning oddities that shall remain unnamed here) is a collection of contributions to the symposium The Time of Joseph Haydn (1732-1809) From Sultan Mahmud I to Mahmud II (r.1730-1839) which was organized by the Don Juan Archiv and took place in 2009 in Vienna and Istanbul. Where on earth could such a jumble be published that presents Italians and Turks as "veiled Jews" and resurrects a ghetto in 1768  that was already closed in 1670? In Vienna of course, where this ghetto was located and where editors of lavishly produced books appear to be rather poorly informed about the history of their own city.

Jun 18, 2015

To Whom It May Concern

In the course of almost three years I published 74 "posts" on this blog. The time and work I invested into these publications, which are based on top quality original research, equal an investment of about 70,000 Euros (79,585 USD). Because I lack the time and means to further pursue this rather expensive hobby, I cordially invite everybody who is interested in the continuation of this enterprise – which is not a blog, but a scholarly journal –  to make a donation to keep this blog alive. Any amount, be it ever so small, will be gratefully accepted.
Dr. Michael Lorenz
IBAN: AT18 1200 0007 9903 1141

"Meine Geduld setzt den Hut auf, und ich seh's' völlig nach'n Stock greifen, mir scheint, sie geht aus." (Johann Nestroy: Der Unbedeutende)

Apr 28, 2015

A Giuliani Anecdote

Anton Gräffer was born on 19 May 1786 in the house Kleeblattgasse 7, the third child of the bookseller August Gräffer and his second wife Katharina, née Königsberger. When in September 1783 his father wanted to marry for a second time, he applied for an exemption from the three publications of the banns. He wanted to be married in secrecy, so as "not to reveal his preceding misconduct" (i.e. his bride's pregnancy) and "to hide the fact that he was about to marry a penniless girl from his friends, because the loss of their support would pose a risk for his business". After her husband's bankruptcy in 1793 the penniless and illiterate Katharina Gräffer (b. 30 October 1755 in Valtice) however proved to be indispensable, because she was entitled to maintain the bookselling privilege and in 1798 managed to establish a new business which she successfully expanded with the help of a sponsor and her two sons.

August Gräffer, signing for his illiterate wife Katharina in 1798 (A-Wsa, Merkantilgericht, Fasz. 3, 1. Reihe, G 51)

Anton Gräffer was a variedly talented man who failed at so many business enterprises that for most of his life he called himself "Pechvogel" (unlucky devil), an epithet that was publicly associated with him as late as 1886. Beside his job as accountant in his mother's shop Gräffer studied landscape painting at the Vienna Academy of Fine Arts and also became one of Vienna's most accomplished guitar players. For several decades Anton Gräffer was one of the most sought after guitar teachers in the Imperial City and in 1811 and 1812 he published a popular guitar method in two volumes.

The title page of the first volume of Anton Gräffer's Guitarre Schule (Anton Strauß 1811)

Anton Gräffer composed many pieces for guitar, but he also wrote music for piano, for instance the tone painting "Der Friede" which he published in late 1813. Gräffer's mother wanted him to marry a friend of his eldest sister, but, like his father 30 years before, he (as he puts it in his memoirs) "committed a mistake that he had to repair for the sake of the honor of his parents-in-law", in spite of the fact that his future wife "was enlightened enough to be willing to postpone their wedding to a later time, when he would have had a decent income." In 1813 Anton Gräffer impregnated Franziska Baillet (b. 17 November 1786), the daughter of his father's good friend, the teacher of French at the Theresianum Leopold Baillet (1749-1814) and to amend the mistake he had committed he married her on 17 October 1813 "against the prudent advice of his friends". His first child Maria Johanna was born on 14 January 1814. In his memoirs Gräffer describes the predicament of the early years of his marriage: "That way one child after the other appeared and from that time on I always had to fight against worries and hardship, because everything I undertook failed; every speculation, however safely it had been calculated and however unlikely it was that it would not result in a small advantage for me, was undone by unthinkable obstacles and fatalities." "If I had become a hatter", Gräffer writes in his memoirs, "people certainly would have been born without heads for the only reason of having fate still turning against me." In early 1814 the livelihood of Anton and Franziska Gräffer was based on giving private lessons in French, drawing and playing the guitar.

Franziska Gräffer's ad in the Wiener Zeitung of 9 February 1814, offering private lessons in French ("after her father's method") as well as drawing and guitar lessons from her husband

Anton Gräffer refers to his work as guitar teacher as follows: "I on my part took refuge with my instrument, although at that time it already started to go out of fashion and only Maestro Giuliani still preserved its popularity. Thus we spent the first years of our marriage giving lessons." In 1815, in the house of Joseph Hardtmuth, Gräffer made the acquaintance of the publisher Peter Cappi who brought him into contact with the art dealer and publisher Domenico Artaria, who hired Gräffer as accountant and appraiser. Anton Gräffer was well-acquainted with prominent musicians of his time: he knew Legnani, Mertz, Rossini and Weber, was a friend of Beethoven, and the noted music publisher Tobias Haslinger was his brother-in-law. Gräffer gave guitar lessons in the home of  the court agent Joseph von Pernold, Ritter von Berwald und Bernthal who in 1817 was Mauro Giuliani's landlord. Around 1850, two years before his death, Anton Gräffer wrote down his memoirs in an autograph manuscript which today is held by the Wienbibibliothek (H.I.N. 129.388). The manuscript is titled "Autobiographie aus dem Tagebuche eines Wiener Unglücksvogels gezogen, und herausgegeben von Peregrinus" and contains many anecdotes related to important musical personalities, some of which have been published in recent years. The following anecdote, preserved in Gräffer's manuscript, describes Mauro Giuliani at a social gathering, poking fun at the Bohemian priest and composer Joseph Gelinek, who claimed that Giuliani's German was not good enough to improvise a German verse. Two things have to be noted in advance: 1) Giuliani's fantasy word "Derek" may be a corrupted tradition of the word "Dreck" (crap) and 2) according to the entry in Wurzbach's Lexikon Abbé Gelinek left a fortune of 42,000 gulden that he had amassed with his countless piano variations. Anton Gräffer died on 17 October 1852 at 6 a.m. in Klosterneuburg and was buried on 19 October 1852 at 3 p.m. in the now closed down cemetery that once surrounded the church of St. Martin (Klosterneuburg, St. Martin, Tom. 7, fol. 180).

The second part of the Giuliani anecdote in Anton Gräffer's manuscript memoirs (A-Wst, H.I.N. 129.388, fol. 42a)
Ich war einst bei einer musikalischen Gesellschaft, worunter auch Giuliani und der zu seiner Zeit beliebte Variationendrechsler Abbe Gelinek zugegen waren, welch letzterer bereits schon gegen hundert Thema's über einen Model gefertigt hatte. Bei einer Powle Punsch fing die Gesellschaft an sehr heiter zu werden, und der Hausherr bat die Anwesenden, sie möchten zur Belustigung jeder einen deutschen Vers aus dem Stegreif machen. Als die Reihe an Giuliani kam, sagte Gelinek zu ihm: "Sie können nik Vers maken; Sie miserabile Deutsch reden." Den Giuliani, der ein sehr fein gebildeter Mann war, verdroß dieser Vorwurf nur deßwegen ein wenig, weil Gelinek seine ganze Lebenszeit beinahe in Wien zugebracht, und doch nicht besser deutsch sprach, als er. Er machte darum aus Rache, auf dem Tisch die Geberden eines sehr heftigen Clavierspielers nach und sang ernst und mit lauter Stimme dazu:
Ticki! Tacki! Derek!
Vivat! Abbé Gelinek!
Dieser wurde darüber vor Zorn entflammt, schimpfte auf die lachende Gesellschaft und beleidigte sowohl diese, die ihn besänftigen wollten als hauptsächlich den Giuliani; nahm Hut und Stock und stürmte lärmend zur Thüre hinaus und davon. Jetzt ging erst das Gelächter recht vom Herzen los.
       Von der Zeit an kam er nie mehr in eine Gesellschaft wo Giuliani geladen war, und als einst dessen Anwesenheit verlängert wurde, um den Spaß zu haben, beide zusammenzubringen, so kundschaftete Gelinek in der Folge die Diener und besonders die Mägde aus, welche alle in den schönen Italiener verliebt waren, und fragte sie einschmeichelnd jedesmal: "Seynd Giuliani da?"

Once I attended a musical gathering where Giuliani and the at that time popular variation cobbler Abbe Gelinek, were also present, the latter of whom had already produced about a hundred themes from the same mould. With a bowl of punch the circle became very cheerful, and the host asked each of the guests to make a German verse off the cuff. When the turn came to Giuliani, Gelinek said to him: "You can nik verse maken; miserabile you speak German." Giuliani, who was a very highly educated man, was a little annoyed by this reproach, because Gelinek had spent almost his entire life in Vienna, but his German was no better than Giuliani's. Out of revenge he therefore  imitated on the table the gestures of a very agitated pianist and sang with a serious and loud voice:
Ticki! Tacki! Derek!
Vivat! Abbé Gelinek!
Gelinek became inflamed with rage, cursed at the laughing circle and insulted both those who wanted to appease him and primarily Giuliani; took his hat and stick and noisily rushed out of the door and away. Only now the hearty laughter started all over again.
       From that time on he never came to a gathering where Giuliani was invited, and when once Giuliani's presence was prolonged in order to have fun by bringing them together, Gelinek subsequently began to inquire with the servants and especially the maids, who were all in love with the handsome Italian, and each time asked mellifluously: "Is Giuliani here?"

Joseph Gelinek, engraving by Johann Neidl after a portrait by Gandolph Ernst Stainhauser de Treuberg (A-Wn, PORT_00155049_01)

Apr 11, 2015

New Light on Mauro Giuliani's Vienna Years

The legendary Italian guitarist Mauro Giuliani's private life during his stay in Vienna has always been overshadowed by a small mystery. It is known that he fathered an illegitimate daughter with an obviously Viennese woman, but nothing could ever be revealed concerning the identity of the child's mother and the closer circumstances of her relationship to the composer.

Mauro Giuliani. Engraving by Friedrich Jügel after a painting by Philipp von Stubenrauch (A-Wn, Pg 193338.I[1])

All authors who have delved into Giuliani's more than a decade-long sojourn in Vienna more or less agree that it was in late 1806 that Giuliani left his wife and his two children in Trieste and went to Vienna where he expected to successfully pursue his career as guitar virtuoso and composer. In his book Mauro Giuliani, virtuoso, guitarist and composer (Columbus: Orphee, 1995), which is based on his 1970 dissertation, Thomas F. Heck writes:
He could have left for Vienna in November 1806 in order to pursue better career prospects north of the Alps, without even knowing that his wife was pregnant. Soon after his arrival in Vienna, whether from loneliness, opportunism, or necessity, our handsome young guitarist became involved in activities which were clearly extra-marital in nature. The available evidence suggests that Giuliani entered into a liaison with a certain Fräulein Willmuth, probably in the period November 1806-March 1807. The natural consequence of this affair was the birth, in 1807, of the composer's only known illegitimate daughter, Maria Willmuth. The child's German-sounding name leads one to suspect that her mother, whose name she presumably took, was not of Italian origin; she may well have been a native Viennese with a weakness for a certain handsome Italian guitarist. We don't even know if she survived the childbirth. Whatever the case, to Giuliani's credit he acknowledged young Maria Willmuth and looked after her for the rest of his life, even establishing a sizable dowry for her in Vienna at the height of his career in 1817. Her 1807 birth makes it plausible, given the facts of human gestation, that our guitarist arrived in the Imperial City in the time for the 1806/07 concert season.
Heck's presumptions concerning Giuliani's arrival in Vienna and his somewhat hurried extramarital activities with a female admirer in the Imperial City are quite reasonable. And yet two details in Heck's description of possible events are wrong: 1) Maria Willmuth was not born in 1807 and 2) her mother's name was not Willmuth.

What is known about Giuliani's extramarital love life in Vienna? In 1814 the Vienna police administration received word that Giuliani was having an intimate relationship with a Viennese lady that some people considered intolerable. The files 845/1814, related to this report, and 201/1816 from two years later did not survive the 1927 fire at the Palace of Justice. But a document from 1815 concerning the measures taken by the Vienna police is extant and since it was recorded in the card catalog that was compiled from the burnt files in 1927, it was published by Thomas Heck in his 1970 dissertation. Originally I wanted to use Heck's transcriptions for this blogpost, but then I realized that because all his transcriptions of Viennese archival sources are flawed and none of the shelfmarks he provided is correct, I have to present my own transcriptions and translations. The decree (the term "police report" is a misnomer), dictated and signed on 9 September 1815 by the head of the Vienna police administration Franz Baron von Hager zu Alensteig reads as follows (the document is structured in the old backwards order of Vienna police files which Heck did not realize):
[fol. 1r]
Giuliani / Mlle Wieselberger / 815
[fol. 2r]
Guitarren Spieler Giuliani / soll mit einer sich[eren] Wieselberger hier / leb[en] u höheren StandesPersonen / einen Kuppler abgeben.
845 v. J. 814 / Happel II 7ber 815. / Nro 3782
[fol. 3v]
Dekret an die P[o]l[izey]d[irektion]
Der bekannte Chitarr Zytherspieler Giuliani soll hier mit einer gewissen Wieselberger auf einem in vertraulich[en] Verhältnissen stehen, während er sein Weib und Kind in Triest oder Venedig in großer Noth darben läßt.
Ich habe der aus obigem Anlaße schon am 23- Febr[uar] 1814 an die P[o]l[izey]d[irektion] ein Dekret erlassen. Nachdem Giuliani nun auch für höhere StandesPersonen mit Kuppeleyen sich abgeben soll, so kann sein regelloser Lebens Wandel nicht geduldet werden.
Die Pld wird denselben daher ungesäumt zu strenger Behand[lung] ziehen und den Ausschlag mir gutächtlich vortragen.
Fr[anz] von Hagermp               Wien am 9. Sptbr 1815
[annotation in pencil]
NB Die Anzeige wurde 6. m. dem Hofrath v / Siber ausgefolgt Kmp
The guitar player Giuliani is said to live with a certain Wieselberger and provide procuration for persons of higher social status.
Decree to the police administration
The known Zither player Giuliani is said to be living in an intimate relationship with a certain Wieselberger, while he leaves his wife and children to starve in great hardship in Trieste or Venice. For the aforesaid reason I already issued a decree to the police administration on 23 February 1814. Since he is now said to indulge in procuration for persons of higher rank, his licentious lifestyle can no longer be tolerated. Hence the police administration without delay will subject the same to rigorous treatment and provide me with an expert presentation of the result. Franz von Hagermp               Vienna, September 9th, 1815
My research concerning the Italian singer Giuseppe Siboni's experiences with the Vienna police in 1812 has taught me that the frequent suspicions that the Vienna authorities held against prominent Italians were mostly based on defamation by bigoted police informants who continuously needed to justify their employment. It seems obvious that Giuliani was able to clear up the misunderstandings and to refute the accusation of procuration. He was living together with a Viennese lady, but the "persons of higher social status" certainly were his friends who came to visit him. The mysterious "Mlle Wieselberger" only appears in one other Giuliani document. In a letter of 23 July 1822 to his friend, publisher and legal representative in Vienna Domenico Artaria, Giuliani writes the following concerning a ring he had left in Vienna:
In the same [desk] was the ring I received from Her Majesty the Duchess of Parma, without the stones which I was forced to get rid of because of the illness of the poor Nina Wiesenberger.
The passage in Giuliani's letter of 23 July 1822 to Domenico Artaria, referring to the stones "le quali fui costretto disfarmene per la Malattia della povera Nina Wiesenberger" (A-Wst, H.I.N. 69.731). This passage was first published by Heck who for unknown reasons did not publish the full text of Giuliani's surviving letters to Artaria.

Concerning this reference to Nina Wiesenberger in one of Giuliani's letters Heck writes:
As was the case with Giuliani's illegitimate daughter, Maria Willmuth, the guitarist also took care of the mysterious figure of Nina Wiesenberger in her time of need, even if it involved selling precious stones from a ring awarded him by no less than Her Majesty Marie-Louise herself. It is quite impossible now to determine or to judge the relationships which Giuliani might have had with his legal wife, as with Wiesenberger.
This perspective is too pessimistic. It is possible to judge the relationships that Giuliani might have had "with his legal wife, as with Wiesenberger". A number of recent archival discoveries makes it possible to prove that Giuliani never took his legal wife to Vienna and instead started a second family with Nina Wiesenberger, who not only was the mother of Maria Willmuth, but also of two other daughters of Giuliani.

Giuliani's Mistress Anna Wiesenberger

Maria Anna Elisabeth Theresia Katharina Wiesenberger was born on 30 July 1784 in Vienna's Trattnerhof, the second daughter of the "Passischer Niederlags Kompagnon" Johann Georg Wiesenberger and his wife Maria Anna, née Delacoste.

The entry concerning the baptism of Anna Wiesenberger on 30 July 1784 (A-Wsm, St. Peter, Tom. 1, 58/1784)

The original 1784 entry concerning Anna Wiesenberger's baptism (A-Wsm, St. Peter, Tom. 2 [original copy], fol. 11)

Since her relative financial independence was an important factor in Anna Wiesenberger's adult life, it is necessary to delve a little into the history of her family.

Nina Wiesenberger's father Johann Georg Wiesenberger was born on 2 November 1742 in the Upper Austrian village of Taufkirchen an der Trattnach. His father was an innkeeper, but later rose to the rank of a "Kastner" (steward) in the service of Georg Adam, Prince of Starhemberg.

The entry concerning the baptism of Johann Georg Wiesenberger on 2 November 1742, "legitimate son of Johann Georg Leopold Wisenberger, local innkeeper and his wife Maria Catharina, godmother: Maria Catharina, wife of Franz Ignaz Mayr, innkeeper in Neumarkt as his proxy" (Taufkirchen an der Trattnach, Tom. 5, p. 199)

In 1766 Johann Georg Wiesenberger went to Vienna and in the following year joined the company of the Savoyard "Niederlagsverwandte" (international wholesale merchants) Passy & Delacoste. He obviously showed such prowess as a businessman that on 1 January 1780 he was able to conclude a six-year contract and become a business associate of his former employers. The company (with stores in Vienna, Graz, Linz, Krems and Brünn) was run by Peter Claudius Passy and Christoph Delacoste with Wiesenberger as silent partner with an investment of 4,700 gulden. By December 1780 Wiesenberger's share had already increased to over 13,000 gulden.

The signatures of Pierre Claude Passy, Christoph Delacoste and Jean George Wiesenberger on their 1780 business contract (A-Wsa, Merkantilgericht, Fasz. 3, 1. Reihe, BP 10)

On 27 May 1781 Johann Georg Wiesenberger married Maria Anna Delacoste, the daughter of his business partner Christoph Delacoste (A-Wd, Tom. 74, fol. 34). Christoph Delacoste hailed from Morrilon in Upper Savoy, his daughter (Wiesenberger's first wife) had been born in Vienna on 3 September 1759 (A-Wd, Tom. 83, fol. 318v). Her godmother had been Maria Anna Perinet, the mother of the playwright Joachim Perinet.

The signatures and seals on the 1781 marriage contract of Johann Georg Wiesenberger and Maria Anna Delacoste (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 1588/1792) 

Johann Georg Wiesenberger and his first wife had the following children, of whom only three girls reached adulthood (with their "Rufnamen" in bold script):
  1. Elisabeth Maria Anna, b. 16 June 1783 (A-Wsm, St. Peter, Tom. 1, 37/1783), d. 18 February 1803 (A-Ws, Tom. 15, fol. 150)
  2. Maria Anna Elisabeth Theresia Katharina ("Nina"), b. 30 July 1784 (A-Wsm, SP 1, 58/1784), d. 1817 (Giuliani's mistress)
  3. Christoph Johann Georg, b. 19 December 1785 (A-Wsm, SP 1, 218/1785), d. 1790
  4.  Maria Josepha Anna, b. 30 January 1787 (A-Wsm, SP 1, 15/1787), d. after 1807
  5. Johann Georg Joseph, b. 26 October 1788 (A-Wsm, SP 1, 159/1788), d. 1790
  6. Maria Katharina Elisabeth Josepha, b. 9 July 1790 (A-Wsm, SP 1, 106/1790), d. 1791
  7. unbaptized boy, b. 1 February 1792, lived for 1/2 hour, (A-Wsm, SP 1, 21/1792)
The godmother of six of these children was their grandmother Elisabeth Delacoste; except for the first all of these children were born in the Trattnerhof.

Johann Georg Wiesenberger's eight-room apartment on the fifth floor of the Trattnerhof in the 1788 tax register (A-Wsa, Steueramt, B34/3, fol. 464)

In 1791 Johann Georg Wiesenberger in good understanding ended his association with Passy (who was to die on 3 June of that year) and entered a business partnership with the wholesale merchant Johann Nepomuk Wildauer (1744-1817). Nina Wiesenberger's mother died on 1 February 1792 of "Schleimschlag" (a stroke) as a result of the difficult birth of her last child. Her estate was estimated at 29,678 gulden 41 kreutzer of which her widower and her three surviving daughters, Elisabeth, Anna and Maria, each inherited a quarter. As of March 1792 the total value of Wiesenberger's and his wife's investment in Wildauer's company amounted to 47,599 gulden 56 kreutzer (A-Ws, Mag. ZG, A2, 1588/1792). Wiesenberger's friend, the court agent and notary Karl von Herlein (1764-1817) was appointed curator of the children. On 16 September 1792 Johann Georg Wiesenberger got married for a second time (A-Wsm, SP 1, 65/1792). His second wife was Maria Anna Hauptmann (b. 29 July 1774, d. after 1826), a daughter of the goldsmith and jewelry appraiser Johann Caspar Hauptmann (1740-1826), with whom Wiesenberger was acquainted because he lived on the same floor in the Trattnerhof. As of 1810 Johann Caspar Hauptmann was the father-in-law of the famous singer Anna Milder-Hauptmann.

In spite of increasing economic difficulties caused by the Coalition Wars, Johann Georg Wiesenberger's business thrived. On 31 December 1801 – probably owing to his deteriorating health – he signed a dissolution contract with his associate Johann Nepomuk Wildauer in which he declared his investment in Wildauer's firm exempt from all financial claims of eventual creditors. After his death on 7 June 1802 at the house Stadt 596, "Zum Blauen Igel" ("The Blue Hedgehog", today Tuchlauben 14). Wiesenberger's estate was estimated at a gross value of 64,786 gulden which mainly consisted of sixteen "Wechselbriefe" (promissory notes) issued by Johann Nepomuk Wildauer. In his will and a codicil, written on 25 January and 2 February 1802 respectively, Wiesenberger appointed his three daughters, Elisabeth, Anna and Maria universal heirs. The claims of his widow were satisfied with her dowry of 20,000 gulden and an additional bequest of 3,500 gulden. The final paragraph of Wiesenberger's will reads as follows:
9. As main and universal heirs I appoint my three children, named Elisabeth, M. Anna and Maria, who should receive all my assets after the deduction of the aforesaid bequests and the amounts for my wife, stipulated in the marriage contract. In witness whereof I personally signed the present will and explicitly requested the two witnesses to do likewise.

The second page of Johann Georg Wiesenberger's will (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A10, 355/1802)

For an annual fee of 150 gulden Wiesenberger appointed Karl von Herlein guardian of his daughters. One item listed in Wiesenberger's Sperrsrelation, which was not evaluated, points to musical activities of the three Wiesenberger sisters. It is a "small square fortepiano in a desk of walnut wood, in the property of the daughters".

An interesting item in the inventory of Johann Georg Wiesenberger's estate: "Ein Zwerg Fortepiano in nußbaumenen Kasten ist im Eigenthum der Töchter" (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 3545/1802)

After the subtraction of all the bequests and the dowry of Wiesenberger's widow the net inheritance of the three Wiesenberger daughters amounted to 32,590 gulden 42 kreutzer. Each of the girls legally owned assets of 10,863 gulden 34 kreutzer. This relatively great wealth at a relatively young age is essential for the understanding of Anna Wiesenberger's situation in the following decade. Her secure livelihood enabled her to maintain a lifestyle which brought her some freedom from the reins of society and obviously made her prone to Giuliani's advances. It also helps us understand how a certain grade of wealth made it much easier to keep the birth of an illegitimate child a secret and to secure the discretion of representatives of the clergy. The legal proceedings pertaining to Wiesenberger's estate lasted until 1806.

The final page of the "Theillibell" (distribution table of inheritance) of the three Wiesenberger daughters, drawn up on 31 October 1805. The four columns on the right show the shares of Elisabeth, Anna and Maria and their individual totals, consisting of eight 4,000 fl shares. The amount of 584 fl 39 kr at the bottom of the table is the rest of the inheritances from the girls' mother and grandmother. The table is signed by the guardian Karl von Herlein (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 3545/1802).

Looking back at the events that followed Johann Georg Wiesenberger's death, the guardian of Wiesenberger's three daughters Karl von Herlein was not to be envied. He had to oversee and administer the financial subsistence of his wards by continuously rendering accounts of the expenses, and applying to their "Obergerhab" (superior guardian), the civil court of the Vienna Magistrate, to release the necessary funds. A great part of Johann Georg Wiesenberger's probate file deals with the administration of the inheritance of his underage daughters which makes it possible to track their fate. The eldest daughter, Elisabeth, died of nervous fever on 18 February 1803 in the house Tiefer Graben 234 and was buried in the communal cemetery in Währing. The inscription on her tombstone, erected by her two surviving sisters, is preserved in the book Sammlung der auf den Gottesäckern der kais. auch kais. königl. Haupt- und Residenz-Stadt Wien befindlichen Grabschriften und Denkmähler.

The inscription on the grave of Elisabeth Wiesenberger (Sammlung der auf den Gottesäckern der ... Stadt Wien befindlichen Grabschriften, Vienna 1807, pp. 7-8)

In 1803 the assets of the deceased Elisabeth Wiesenberger amounted to 25,605 gulden (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 668/1803) which in 1807 were divided between her two younger sisters. The documents related to the administration of the Wiesenberger estate become especially interesting as soon as it became apparent that one of the two remaining daughters was pregnant.

For an annual boarding wage of 1,000 gulden (which was later raised to 1,100 fl.) Anna and Maria Wiesenberger were put into the care of Maria Anna Schwarzrock, the owner of a I. & R. privileged metalware and button factory. In summer of 1805 Maria Wiesenberger had to take the waters in Baden to treat her "Drüsen=Anschoppungen" (congestion in the glands). She had to be accompanied by Frau Schwarzrock, and, because Anna could not be left alone in Vienna, she also had to go to Baden. In summer of 1806 the three of them went to Heiligenstadt, where Maria took the waters, because she had suffered a bout of rheumatic-nervous fever. All of this needed an explicit permission from the Vienna civil court whose "Depositenamt" (municipal treasury) held the assets of the Wiesenberger estate.

The Birth of Maria Willmuth

On 17 February 1808 Karl von Herlein submitted an interesting document to the Vienna Magistrate. Because his ward Anna Wiesenberger was in the late stages of a pregnancy, Herlein described the arrangements he made, listed the extraordinary expenses in connection with the impending childbirth and requested them to be covered with his ward's assets that were held by the court. Because Herlein's account provides a rare look behind the scenes of the preparations for an illegitimate childbirth of a member of the upper-class, it shall be quoted here extensively.
Honorable Magistrate
of the I. & R. Capital and Residential City of Vienna!
        After the commission I received on 12 February of this year I immediately went to every possible effort to find the appropriate location for the childbirth of the underage Anna Wiesenberger, but I only found three midwives, who currently have free rooms, namely Theresia Bernegger in the Inner City [Stadt], Johanna Hengst at the Platzel [St. Ulrich] and Theresia Rotter in the City. Because the order A of 16 February that I received today exclusively referred to honest midwives in the City, Johanna Hengst, who lives on the first floor in the suburb, could be disregarded, although nothing is wrong with her in regards of her integrity. Because I had not received a special recommendation concerning Theresia Rotter and because it already looked suspicious that – probably on the request of my ward – she inquired on her own with me, which lets me presume that there is some silent agreement, I can only recommend Theresia Bernegger, and all the more so, because she is generally known in regards of her honesty and years of experience.
        Following the aforesaid order A I immediately made inquiries with the above-mentioned Theresia Bernegger concerning the detailed conditions. For a single clean room with all the necessary furnishings (since I cannot put the aforesaid ward into a room together with other persons), for the heating and service, for the breakfast and for lunch and dinner she charges three gulden per day, namely in consideration of the current high inflation and the fact that an upper-class person in this state cannot be served food of poor quality. Concerning the costs of the delivery she told me that persons who give birth in an extra room, if the delivery is not particularly difficult, pay 50 gulden for her efforts, and some have already paid 100 gulden. She could the less offer a discount, since the persons who do not give birth in a single, but a common room, usually pay 30 gulden. Finally, as far as the cost of the baptism is concerned, with the inclusion of all the gifts that are connected with it, it will amount to 20 gulden. [...]
Given these premises I submit a request to the effect that
        An Honorable Magistrate in regards of the minor Anna Wiesenberger, for the time of her lodging with the aforesaid midwife Theresia Bernegger, an amount of time which cannot be specified in advance, may deign to give me the legal permission to pay for an extra room including heating, service, breakfast, lunch and dinner at 3 gulden per day and to pay the midwife 50 gulden for her efforts during the childbirth.

The first page of Karl von Herlein 1808 report concerning his preparations for the birth of Anna Wiesenberger's illegitimate child (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 3545/1802).

For the time of her elder sister's stay with the midwife, the other ward Maria Wiesenberger was to be accommodated at the Ursuline convent in the Johannesgasse, where her guardian had to pay an annual boarding wage of 300 gulden plus 14 fl laundry fee. These expenses also had to be approved by the civil court.

Mauro Giuliani's illegitimate daughter Maria Willmuth was born on 20 April 1808 in Vienna, at the house Stadt 523 in the Roth Gasse (last number 489, torn down in 1910, today the area in front of Rotgasse 11). This address had nothing to do with the regular residences of Giuliani or the child's mother. It was the address of the midwife Theresia Bernegger who rented out discreet rooms for pregnant single mothers of means. The baptismal entry of Giuliani's daughter Maria Willmuth in the records of St. Stephen's looks as follows (with the entry's two halves put above each other):

The entry concerning the baptism of Maria Willmuth on 20 April 1808 (A-Wd, Tom. 105, fol. 80)
Namen des Taufenden. [Johann Baptist] de Hepperger
Jahr Monat Tag 1808 20. April.
Wohnung und Nro. des Hauses N°: 323 523
Namen der Getauften. Maria



Vaters Namen und Kondition oder Karakter.
Mutters Tauf= und Zunamen.
Marianna Willmuth v Eigen[en] Mitteln [lebend]
Johann Leser
Chirurgiæ Doctor.
[midwife] Theresia Perneggerinn.
There is a second, later copy of this entry in a short series of "Taufrapulare" which was meant to be a representative clean copy, but was obviously abandoned in 1814. The only difference it shows is that the note "von eigenen Mitteln lebend" (living on her own means) is written out.

The second copy of Maria Willmuth's baptismal entry (A-Wd, Taufrapular 1808-11, fol. 21)

If enough money was available, it was easy to pull off a baptism of an illegitimate child with a false name. As we have seen, Theresia Bernegger charged twenty gulden for the arrangement of a baptism. Since the mother was not allowed to leave the bed for nine days, the child was brought to the parish by the midwife who also provided the priest with all the information and very likely accompanied the procedure with a pious donation. The midwife Theresia Bernegger, née Hollner was born around 1766 in Pressburg. On 9 October 1786 (Pfarre Maria Rotunda, Tom. 1, fol. 110) she married Johann Michael Bernegger, a hairdresser from Salzburg, with whom she had several children. In 1808 she was already a widow. The house Stadt 523 was located very close to St. Stephen's Cathedral and the baptismal records of this parish show that Theresia Bernegger had specialized in her profession: she mostly practiced in her own quarters and almost exclusively helped deliver illegitimate children. Sometimes she also stood proxy for a prominent godfather, like for instance on 3 September 1808 when she substituted for the musician Joseph Hofmann (A-Wd, Tom. 105, fol. 108). The name "Willmuth" – an obvious paraphrase of the German word "Muthwille" (wantonness) – might well have been Bernegger's invention, because two years later, on 25 May 1810, she had an illegitimate boy baptized at St. Stephen's who was similarly named "Alexander Wehmuth".

The midwife Theresia Bernegger, possibly creating another fake name for an illegitimate child: a part of the entry concerning the baptism of a son of an "Elisabeth Wehmuth", an unmarried hunter's daughter from Baden (A-Wd, Tom.105, fol. 234)

Another case of the use of a fantasy name by Bernegger is the baptism of an illegitimate daughter of the Swiss Joseph Andreazzi on 23 February 1809. Bernegger gave the name of the mother as "Josepha Cremelini", although her real name was Rosina von Mafficioli (A-Wd, Tom. 105, fol. 143). The description of Maria Willmuth's mother as "von eigenen Mitteln lebend" was the truth however. Maria Willmuth's godfather was the doctor of medicine and renowned obstetrician Johann Leser (1770-1810). The assistance of Dr. Leser, who was frequently hired as obstetrician by members of the high nobility, is yet another sign that money was no issue and that Anna Wiesenberger received the best possible care. Maria Willmuth lived with her mother until 1817. Then she was put into the care of a foster-mother until she was taken to her father in Italy in 1822 by Giuliani's sister Emanuela Lucci. The mistaken assumption that she returned to Vienna and again went to Italy in 1824 will be dealt with below. In his correspondence with the Vienna Magistrate, who remained Maria Willmuth's superior guardian until after Giuliani's death, Giuliani always addressed her as his "Ziehtochter" (foster-daughter).

Anna Wiesenberger's Inheritance

In summer of 1808 Anna Wiesenberger's situation changed fundamentally. She turned twenty-four, became of legal age and thus gained the right to manage her own assets. The municipal secretary Benedikt Gruber had the nine promissory notes issued by Johann Wildenberger, whose total value was 32,677 gulden 32 kreutzer, copied into bills of smaller nomination and paid out Anna Wiesenberger her share of the inheritance. On 4 November 1808 Anna Wiesenberger signed the following receipt.
Regarding 14,331 f 50 3/8 x, saying: fourteen-thousand-three-hundred-thirty-one gulden 50 3/8 x which I the undersigned, in consequence of the settlement of 20 October 1808, by means of the following 8 promissory notes, issued on January 1st, 1802 by Johann Wildauer to Johann Georg Wiesenberger, paying interest of 5 per cent
[here follows a list of eight promissory notes, payable between 1810 and 1817]
certify herewith that today I have correctly received 14,331 f 50 3/8 x from the municipal secretary Benedikt Gruber.
Vienna, November 4th, 1808.

Karl von Herleinmp                                    Anna Wiesenbergermpia
I. & R. Court Agent and notary                    Diedlar v Rangertmp
as former guardian and attester                      as witness.
of Anna Wiesenberger's signature
which is well-known to me.       

Anna Wiesenberger's receipt of 4 November 1808 concerning the payment of her patrimony (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 3545/1802)

Anna Wiesenberger's seal on the above receipt

A report, written on 19 November 1808 by the municipal secretary Benedikt Gruber concerning the distribution of the rewritten promissory notes between Anna and Maria Wiesenberger ("Ausweisung über die aus der Johann Georg Wiesenbergerischen Verlassenschaft erfolgten 9 Stück Wechsel per 32677 f 32 x") is the next to last document in the probate file of Johann Georg Wiesenberger. Surprisingly, towards the end of Gruber's report, as a result of what seems to be a Freudian slip, the name "Willmuth" appears. Gruber obviously refers to Anna Wiesenberger's younger sister and erroneously uses the name of her daughter. This document is a part of Johann Georg Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation and it is the earliest appearance of the name "Willmuth" in an official document pertaining to a member of the Wiesenberger family, the earliest documentary proof that Anna Wiesenberger was Maria Willmuth's mother.
The other rewritten promissory notes per  ――――16,347 f 11 5/8 [x]
were copied for the underage
Maria Anna Wiesenberger,
and then from the promissory
note of January 1st, 1802,
payable after 16 years per ―――――――――― 2,000 f
hence for the underage
Maria Anna Willmuth[sic!] together ――――― 18,347 f 11 5/8 [x]
were redeposited according to the
enclosed provisory receipt C.
Vienna, November 19th, 1808.
      Benedikt Gruber mp

The final paragraph of secretary Gruber's report of 19 November 1808 with the erroneous passage "für die m Maria Anna Willmuth, zusammen daher" (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 3545/1802)

A major part of Anna Wiesenberger's wealth was fictional already in 1808. The value of Johann Wildauer's promissory notes depended on Wildauer's liquidity which was reduced not only by the galloping inflation that accompanied the Napoleonic Wars, but also by Wildauer's hapless restructuring of his business. In 1807 he bought the stocking factory in Poneggen Castle from Joseph Wenzel Count Thürheim and in 1814 he invested most of his remaining assets into the establishment of a pencil factory (A-Wsa, Merkantilgericht, Fasz. 3, 1. Reihe, W 122). This business enterprise failed and in 1816 Wildauer had to declare bankruptcy. He died on 22 February 1817. Wildauer's bankruptcy explains, why there were no significant assets to be found in Anna Wiesenberger's estate. And as will become apparent, it also explains, why the municipal court dealt with Maria Willmuth until 1835.

The Birth of Emilia Giuliani

Giuliani scholars have always considered Emilia Giuliani-Guglielmi a legitimate daughter of Giuliani and his wife Maria Giuseppa, née del Monaco (1779-1826). 

Emilia Giuliani, drawing by Franz Nadorp (Rome 1839)

This presumption, which was caused by Emilia's bearing her father's family name, led to the idea that Giuliani's wife at some time joined her husband in Vienna. Thomas Heck writes:
One can imagine that his tales of fame and fortune would have inspired Signora Giuliani to make the long voyage to Vienna herself, either with her husband in the fall of 1811 or some time the following year, in 1812. The basis for this supposition is purely biological: the Viennese passport archives[sic!] record that Giuliani was the father of a legitimate daughter (one that took his name rather than that of the mother), namely Emilia, born in Vienna in 1813.
There is no "biological basis" for this supposition. In 1813 mothers could easily assume a false name and illegitimate children could legally be given their father's name, if the biological father came forward and officially declared his fatherhood. In the case of Wiesenberger and Giuliani this option was of course impossible. Giuliani's wife Maria Giuseppa never went to Vienna. Her husband had absolutely no interest in risking the exposure of his secret parallel family by having his wife visiting him. Like her sister Maria Willmuth, Emilia Giuliani also was a daughter of Anna Wiesenberger and there may have been several reasons as to why she was given her father's name: Anna Wiesenberger's first pregnancy may have been unintentional, a kind of accident that was dealt with in an excessively discreet way. In 1808 there was no reason to establish any traceable connection between the child and its father. The second pregnancy was very different: Giuliani and "La Nina" were now living together as a family and they wanted this daughter to bear her father's name. Wiesenberger was now of legal age and therefore she had the right to hire the midwife of her choice: Theresia Rotter, whom, as we have seen above, she had already sent to inquire with her suspicious guardian Karl von Herlein in 1808, pursued a different method of naming illegitimate children: she let the mother chose her own fake name and thus the family name of the child.

The sworn midwife ("Geschw. Hebamme") Theresia Rotter and her assistant on a conscription sheet of the house Stadt 173 (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, KB Stadt 173/1r)

Emilia Emanuela Maria Anna Giuliani was born on 23 April 1813 in Theresia Rotter's apartment in the house Stadt 180, "Zum Bacchus" (last No. 173, today about Wipplingerstraße 24) and baptised at the Schottenkirche. Rotter presented the priest with the following identity of the child's mother: "Maria Giuliany, daughter of the merchant Georg Giuliany in Triest and Magdalena, née Mayer". The name "Georg" is an obvious reference to the child's grandfather Johann Georg Wiesenberger, the name "Magdalena Mayer" is pure random, probably made up on the spot by the midwife. The mother was presented as a widow, but did not give the name of her deceased husband which at that time was a vital part of a widow's identity and social status. This seemed a little odd to the priest and therefore he added the following note to the baptismal entry: "The mother described herself as a widow, but did not give her husband's first name".

The entry concerning the baptism of Giuliani's illegitimate daughter Emilia Emanuela Maria Anna on 23 April 1813 (Pfarre Schotten, Tom. 47, fol. 47)
Baptizans. P. Willebald
Jahr 1813 Monat April den 23ten
Wohnung und Nro. des Hauses. Hohebrücke No 180.
Namen des Getauften. Emilia Emanuella[!] Maria Anna



Vaters Namen und Kondition oder Charakter.
Mutters Tauf= und Zunamen.
Giuliany Maria / Anna Tochter des / Georg Giuliany / bürgl Kaufmanns / in Triest und der / Magdalena geb. / Mayer / kathol.
Theresia Rotter / Wundarztens / Wittwe kathol.
Heb: Theresia / Rotter auf der / Hohenbrücke No 180. / Die Mutter hat sich / zwar als Wittwe angegeben aber den / Geschlechts=Nahmen ihres / Mannes nicht angegeben.

Emilia Giuliani's place of birth: the house Stadt 173 (on the left) at the corner of Tiefer Graben and Wipplingerstraße. The building was torn down in 1905 (A-Wn L 25.600B).

Emilia's godmother, the midwife and "Wundarztens Wittwe" (surgeon's widow) Theresia Rotter was born in Baumgarten in what was then Prussian Silesia (today the Polish village of Braszowice). The question as to who Rotter's surgeon husband was, still needs additional research. After her mother's death Emilia Giuliani was put into Vienna's k.k. Waisenhaus (I. & R. orphanage) and into the care of two foster mothers, who will be dealt with below.

Karolina Giuliani

Karolina Katharina Giuliani was born on 17 September 1817 at 1 p.m. in Theresia Rotter's apartment at Stadt 235 (last numbering 228, torn down 1899, today Tiefer Graben 22), where Rotter had moved after 1813.

Theresia Rotter, born 1772, "Hebamme v Baum[garten] in kk[sic!] Schles[ien]" on a conscription sheet of Stadt 228, her residence in 1817. Carolina Rotter, described as "Anv[erwandte] may have been her daughter (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, KB Stadt 228/6v).

The child was baptized the following day at the Schottenkirche. This time Anna Wiesenberger was not presented as widow, but as "Kaufmannstochter" (merchant's daughter) to which the priest added "angeblich" (allegedly), a discriminitary note which at that time was frequently used by priests to comment on single mothers. The godmother Katharina Angeli was probably Johanna Katharina, née Pöller, the wife of the wax monger Johann Jakob Angeli (A-Wsm, Tom. 9, fol. 33). There were at least three Angeli brothers in Vienna who hailed from the (then) Tyrolean village of Cloz. The most successful of them was Anton Angeli (1778-1831), a canvas trader and silk manufacturer who was ennobled in 1819.

The entry concerning the baptism of Giuliani's illegitimate daughter Karolina Katharina on 18 September 1817 (Pfarre Schotten, Tom. 47, fol. 229)

Baptizans. P. Maximilian
Jahr 1817 Monat Sept. 18
Wohnung und Nro. des Hauses. Tiefergraben No 235
Namen des Getauften. Karolina Katharina geb. d. 17t Sept. um 1 Uhr Nachmittag



Vaters Namen und Kondition oder Charakter.
Mutters Tauf= und Zunamen.
Giuliani Maria / Anna Kaufmanns= / Tochter, / kath. angeblich
Angeli Ka- / tharina, Kauf= / manns Gat= /tinn kathol.
Rotter The= / resia in / der Stadt / No 235.
After the death of her mother Karolina Giuliani was put into foster care with a certain Anna Stahl at Weißgärber No. 34, "Zum goldenen Kegel" (last numbering 39, today Hintere Zollamtsstraße 17) where she died of consumption on 25 March 1818.

The entry in the Vienna death register concerning the death of Karolina Giuliani on 25 March 1818 (A-Wsa, Totenbeschreibamt, TBP 142, CGK, fol. 31r)
Güelliani H[errn] Maurus, Musikmeister, / sein Kind Karolina, N. 34. untern / Weisgärbern, b.[ei] d.[er] Anna Stahl, pens. Beamtens = Witwe, an der Auszehr.[ung] / alt 5. Monat. Abends 7 1/2 Uhr. / Ferini.
Giuliani, Mr. Maurus, music teacher, his child Karolina, at No. 34 Unter den Weißgärbern, [in the care of] Anna Stahl, widow of a retired official, was inspected as having died of consumption, aged 5 months, at 7.30 p.m. [Karl] Ferini [coroner]
"Dem H Maurus Giuliani Musikmeister sein Kind" Karolina Giuliani was buried on 27 March 1818 in St. Marx Cemetery.

The entry concerning the exequies and burial of Karolina Giuliani. Note the underlining of the word "Musikmeister" (Pfarre St. Rochus und Sebastian, Tom. 4, fol. 383).

It is not yet known where exactly Anna Wiesenberger lived in Vienna between 1808 and 1817. Her only documented address so far is Schottenbastei 1167 (today Helferstorferstraße 13) where her name appears on a conscription sheet from around 1816. She is given as "Großhändlers Tochter" with the wrong year of birth 1775.

Anna Wiesenberger on a conscription sheet of Stadt 1167 (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, KB Stadt 1167/3r)

I have not yet found Mauro Giuliani's name on a Vienna conscription sheet. Not only was he obviously trying very hard to escape the attention of the Vienna authorities, many of the so-called Fremdenbögen (on which foreigners were registered) from before 1830 have been discarded.

The Death of Anna Wiesenberger

On 1 October 1817, exactly two weeks after the birth of her third child, Anna Wiesenberger died of "Nervenfieber" (nervous fever) at the house Stadt 949 (last numbering 893, today Singerstraße 18).

The entry in the Vienna death register concerning the death of Anna Wiesenberger on 1 October 1817 (A-Ws, Totenbeschreibamt, TBP 141, W, fol. 49r)
Wiesenberger Anna, Großhandlers = Tochter, ledig, / hier gebürtig, im Schönauerischen H.[aus] / N. 949. in der Singerstraße, am Ner= / venfieber, alt 34. Jr. Mittags 12. Uhr. / Trunck.
Wiesenberger Anna, daughter of a wholesale merchant, born here, in the Schönauer house, No. 949 in the Singerstraße, of nervous fever, aged 34, at noon. [Vincenz] Trunk.

The entry in the records of St. Stephen's concerning Anna Wiesenberger's exequies (A-Wd, Tom. 40b, fol. 386)

The entry concerning Anna Wiesenberger's burial on 2 October 1817 in St. Marx Cemetery is especially interesting, because it is the only source where she is described as "Wirthschafterin" (housekeeper). She was a houskeeper indeed. Giuliani's housekeeper.

The entry concerning Anna Wiesenberger's burial on 2 October 1817 in St. Marx in the Bahrleihbuch of St. Stephen's (A-Wd, BLB 1817, fol. 120v)
Den 2. 8ber.
Wiesenber= / ger Anna.
Es ist die Jungf. Anna Wiesenberg. Wirthschafterin / alt 34 Jahr in der Singerstrassen N° 949 Pfarr St. / Stephan den 1. Mittag um 12 Uhr gestorben und an / Nervenfieber beschauet worden
                                                                           In Freydhof St. Marx.
Bezahlt 3 Klaß - - - - - - - - - - - 10[f] 11[kr]
Wagen mit 2 Pferd 10 f 28. kr.

On 2 October [1817]
Wiesenberger Anna.
The maiden Anna Wiesenberg. Housekeeper, aged 34, died in the Singerstrasse No. 949, St. Stephen's parish on 1 [October] at noon and was inspected of nervous fever.
To St. Marx Cemetery.
Paid for 3rd class - - - - - - - - - - - 10 11
Carriage with 2 horses 10 f 28. kr. 

Anna Wiesenberger's place of death, the house Singerstraße 18, where from 1819 on Mathias Fröhlich lived on the fifth floor with his four daughters Anna, Barbara, Katharina and Josephine. In this house Schubert made the acquaintance of Grillparzer. No trace of Wiesenberger or Giuliani are to be found in the conscription sheets pertaining to this building.

Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation

Anna Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation, which is not completely preserved, consists of the following three documents:
  • The Mantelbogen (cover sheet), concluded on 24 October 1817, with the usual information concerning the deceased person, her children and a preliminary assessment of her estate, signed by Giuliani and two other witnesses
  • A form of oath in Italian, written and signed by Giuliani with a German translation, presented on 3 March 1818
  • A response from the Sperrs-Kommissär Joseph Friedrich Reuth (1754-1824) to the Vienna Magistrate, dated 27 July 1818, that in accordance with the order of the court he has given Wiesenberger's estate to Mauro Giuliani and has suspended the "Jurisdiktionssperre" (the jurisdictional distraint of the estate)
The following documents are missing from the file:
  • A copy of the "Curatelsdekret" (decree of guardianship) which was sent to the new guardian of Wiesenberger's children
  • The inventory of Wiesenberger's movables and assets which on 19 December 1817 were estimated at a total value of 106 gulden WW (Vienna Currency)
  • The order by the Magistrate of 13 July 1818 to close the judicial procedure and hand in the estate
The file's cover sheet presents final and irrefutable evidence that Anna Wiesenberger was the woman named "Anna Maria Willmuth" and "Maria Giuliani" and had three children with the famous guitarist. The lower half of folio 2v of the probate file's Mantelbogen (cover sheet) reads as follows:
The musician Mauro Giuliani is immediately to be summoned and registered to appear on 13 [October] at 10.a.m. to name a guardian for the 3 underage children.
                            Ex Consilio Magistrati Viennensis
                           on 9 October 1817
                           [Johann Baptist] WitthalmMp
on 12 d[etto] a summons
was delivered to Mr. Giuliani
[Franz] Schmidt Mp
of the Imperial and Royal Capital and Residential City of Vienna
Concerning the death [of] Miss Anna Wiesenberger, surviving daughter of an I. & R. wholesale merchant.

A section of fol. 2v of the cover sheet of Anna Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 2663/1817)

On the backside of the sheet Johann Adolph Heeg, the head of the Magistrate's filing department, summarized the result of Giuliani's visit of 13 October 1813: a "Curatelsdecret" (decree of guardianship) was to be sent to the newly appointed guardian Dr. Polz and Giuliani was summoned to appear again at the city hall on 24 October. The "Hof- und Gerichts-Advokat" Dr. Georg Polz was born around 1756 in Neumarktl (today Tržič) and died a bachelor on 10 May 1822. He was succeeded as guardian of Giuliani's daughters by the City sequestrator Sebastian Reindl.

The title page of Anna Wiesenberger's probate file. Note the entries: "Surviving husband: none" and "Surviving children: three in state of illegitimacy" (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 2663/1817).

The most informative entry on the file's cover sheet is the one referring to the three children of the deceased person on folio 1v.

The Sperrs-Kommissär Joseph Friedrich Reuth's entry concerning Anna Wiesenberger's three children, their father and her will on fol. 1v of her probate file (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 2663/1817).
3 Minor children, and their whereabouts. Maria 9 years, Emilia 5 years, and Karolina Giuliani 14 days of age, all three of them at the place of death; Mr. Mauro Giuliani, musician at Stadt No. 939, has declared himself father of these 3 children who allegedly also are baptized with his name, Mr. Giuliani also offers to legally adopt these children
Whether there is a will a supposedly completely autograph last will, according to which the complete estate of the testator belongs to Mr. Mauro Giuliani
Its whereabouts has been submitted to the filing department by the undersigned
Giuliani's address, given as "Stadt 939" instead of 949 – indicating that he did not live together with his family – could be a mistake or an attempt to hide his real address from the court. On the other hand this address makes sense, because the house is located right opposite Wiesenberger's last residence and it is the address (last numbering 885, today Singerstraße 13) of the court agent Joseph von Pernold who had been living there since at least 1798 and in 1822 was to provide lodging for Maria Willmuth. In any case, Giuliani's name does not appear in the records pertaining to the house Stadt 939.

The house Singerstraße 13 (Stadt 939/885), the only address of Giuliani's that can be documented so far. This house was built in 1784.

The entry on folio 2r of the cover refers to the possible assets of the deceased as follows: "The assets will be shown by the judicial drawing up of an inventory. In consideration of the underage heirs and the emergency heirs respectively, the "enge Sperre" (narrow distraint) has been imposed." This statement was attested with signatures by the Sperrskommissär Joseph Friedrich Reuth, Mauro Giuliani and the municipal furniture appraiser Joseph Schreyer.

The signatures of the three witnesses on fol. 2r of Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation

The entry in the municipal civil court's Officiosa (the register of probate and guardianship files) concerning Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation shows that on 19 December 1817 Wiesenberger's movables were submitted to the obligatory appraisal and recorded in an inventory. The last item in the list of documents reads "Inventur samt Relaz:[ion] dd° 19 Xbr 817. pr 106f.". This inventory of Wiesenberger's belongings is unfortunately not preserved.

The entry in the Vienna Magistrate's register of probate files listing the documents dating from 1817 in Anna Wiesenberger's Sperrs-Relation (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, B1/227, W, p. 124)

To receive Wiesenberger's estate Giuliani had to submit a written oath that there were no other assets known to him apart from the ones listed in the inventory amounting to a value of 106 gulden in Vienna Currency. This form of oath, whose original is accompanied by a flowery German translation, reads as follows:

Mauro Giuliani's autograph form of oath, presented on 3 March 1818, concerning Anna Wiesenberger's assets. On the left is the German translation, on the right Giuliani's oath (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 2663/1817).
Io Mauro Giuliani presto un giuramento vero e solenne senza ritenzione o ambiguita di parole, ch'io non penso in altero modo che come parlo, e non parlo, e non parlo altrimenti che come penso, e come potro giustificare una volta avanti il judice omnipotente et omnisciente cioè chio non connosco un altro bene della defunta donna Wiesenberger, che quello che comparisce in un valore estimato a 106 fr WW. nell Inventario fatto della facolta di detta Signora Wiesenberger, ch'io non celato o supprimo un altro bene, nemeno chio suppia[sic!], che sià stato celato o supprimato un tale bene da qualche altro, et tutto questo e cossi vero come desidero che dio m'ajuta!
                         Mauro Giuliani
[Form of oath!]
I, Mauro Giuliani, do swear a solemn oath without retention or ambiguity of words, that I do not think different from how I speak and I do not speak different from how I think, and how I will be able to justify once before the omnipotent and omniscient judge that I do not know of any other asset of the deceased Miss Wiesenberger, beside the one that compares to a value estimated at 106 gulden in Vienna Currency in the inventory of Miss Wiesenberger's assets, that neither did I hide or cover up any other asset, nor do I know of any other that may have been hidden or covered up by somebody else. This is so true as I wish that God may help me!
                                                        Mauro Giuliani

The judicial procedure related to Anna Wiesenberger's estate was officially closed on 27 July 1818 by the municipal court. What the Vienna Magistrate did not become aware of in 1817 and what Giuliani certainly did not know, was that a small part of Wiesenberger's inheritance was still held by the estate of Johann Nepomuk Wildauer who had died on 22 February 1817. Because the lawsuit concerning Wildauer's bankruptcy was still pending and Anna Wiesenberger's assets were frozen in Wildauer's estate, the true value of her estate (and the inheritance of her two surviving children) only was to become apparent in 1818.

Anna Wiesenberger's Will

The fact that on 17 August  1817 – a month before the birth of her last child – Anna Wiesenberger wrote a will suggests that she was already very sick. It was for her treatment that Giuliani had to sell the stones in the ring that he had been given by the Duchess of Parma. Wiesenberger's will, which was submitted to the court on 7 October 1817, reads as follows.

Anna Wiesenberger's will, written on 20 August 1817. This document has been very clumsily restored in the early 20th century (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A10, 483/1817).
[fol. 1v]
Mein letzter Wille / Anna Wiesenberger
Uiber die heute von Amtswegen geschehene Kundmachung aufzubehalten, und Abschriften zu ertheilen
Ex Cons.[ilio] Mag:[istrati] Vien[nensis]
d[en] 7. Oct 817
Wiesenberger 483/1817.
[fol. 2r]
mein letzer[!] Wille eigenhändig ges[chrieben]
Ich endes unterzeichnete Erkläre durch gegenwärtiges Sreiben[!] das alle sich in dem Hause befindlichen Geräthschaften als Möbeln, Wäsche Kleider Silber, kurz alles was sich befindet dem Mauro Giuliani angehöret und niemand ein Recht darauf noch Anspruch zu machen hat sowohl jetzt als nach meinem Tode. ――――
                                                              Anna Wiesenberger
     geschrieben an[!] 20t August 1817
My last will / Anna Wiesenberger
[note by the court official] To be kept on file after today's official announcement und copies to be made.
From the Council of the Vienna Magistrate
7 October 1817
Wiesenberger 483/1817
[fol. 2r]
My last will written in my own hand
I the undersigned declare with the present writing that all items in the house, furniture, linen, clothes, silver, in short everything that can be found here, belong to Mauro Giuliani and that nobody has an entitlement or can make a claim on it, neither now nor after my death.                   Anna Wiesenberger
                Written on August 20th, 1817.

The Entries in the Passprotocoll

There are four entries in the registers of the conscription office of the Vienna Magistrate concerning passports that were issued for Giuliani's daughters Maria and Emilia, of two have been published. With the help of Gustav Gugitz's card catalogue at the Municipal and Provincial Archives of Vienna Heck was able to find two of these entries and he published them in his dissertation with wrong folio numbers and without their dates. Heck did not look for other entries himself. Because the entry dating from 1824 has always been completely misunderstood by Giuliani scholars, I take the opportunity to publish these sources again in this post. The first entry refers to the issuance of a passport to Maria Willmuth and Emilia Giuliani, "daughters of a guitar teacher" on 4 November 1822 to travel to their father in Palermo. The girls are given as fifteen and nine years of age, both born in Vienna and they resided with a "Theresia Tramonto" at Stadt 1005 (today Krugerstraße 1). "Theresia Tramonto" was Theresia Tramonti, the wife of Domenico Tramonti and sister-in-law of the opera singer Stephania Tramonti, all three of whom in 1816 are documented under the name "Dramonda" to have lived in Vienna at Stadt 945 (Kärntnerstraße 23, A-Wsa, KB Stadt 945/2r).

The signature of Domenico Tramonta in the 1798 probate file of the composer Peter Dutillieu (A-Wsa, 3040/1798)

The family relation to Domenico Tramonti is corroborated by a "Referatsabschrift" (report copy) of 24 October 1822 in the Magistrate's correspondence concerning Emilia Giuliani's guardian. The entry referring to the destination and the duration of the passport's validity (mistranscribed as "to remain with their benefactor" by Heck) reads: "[Reiset nach] Palermo bei ihrem Vater zu verbleiben [Dauer des Paßes] Zur Hinreise" ("Travelling to: Palermo to remain with their father. Duration of validity: for the journey there").

The entry concerning the issuance of a passport to Giuliani's daughters on 4 November 1822 (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, Passprotokoll B4/8, fol. 257)

The second entry from 1824 has always been taken as proof that the two sisters again went from Vienna to Palermo in that year. Heck writes:
Furthermore we have the testimony of the Viennese passport archives to the effect that Mauro's daughters Maria (now age 17) and Emilia (age 11) went in 1824 from Vienna "to Palermo, to remain with their benefactors.[sic!]"
This statement is based on a profound misunderstanding of the source in question. The entry in the passport protocol, dated 31 May 1824, does not refer to an issuance of a passport, but to the renewal of the earlier one. In 1824 neither Giuliani (contrary to his promise to Artaria) nor his daughters were in Vienna. The reason why their guardian, the City sequestrator Sebastian Reindl, living at Wieden 365, appears in the entry, is that he was the sisters' legal representative in Vienna. The girls did not travel a second time from Vienna to Palermo in 1824. They stayed in Palermo with their aunt, and because both of them were underage and still had a guardian in Vienna, they needed to renew their passport. The 1824 entry referring to the destination and the duration of the passport's validity (missing in Heck's transcription) reads: "[Reiset nach] Palermo beÿ ihrer Tante in die Kost [Dauer des Paßes] 1 Jahr." ("Travelling to: Palermo in foster care with their aunt. Duration of validity: one year").

The entry concerning the renewal of Maria Willmuth's and Emilia Giuliani's passport on 31 May 1824 (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, Passprotokoll B4/10, fol. 124)

The passport of Giuliani's daughters was renewed three more times: in October 1825 (not issued by the Magistrate), in 1827 and in 1828.The following, hitherto unpublished entry in the passport protocol refers to a renewal of the sisters' passports on 22 June 1827.

The entry in the municipal passport protocol concerning the renewal of the passports of Maria Willmuth and Emilia Giuliani on 22 June 1827 The sisters' guardian was now the city sequestrator Reichel, they are described as "foster daughters of the guitar master Giuliani", the destination is "to Palermo for their return" and the renewal was valid for one year (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, Passprotokoll B4/13, fol. 215).

On 31 October 1828 the passports of Maria Willmuth and Emilia Giuliani were renewed again. The following entry has also not been published before.

The entry in the municipal passport protocol concerning the renewal of the passports of Maria Willmuth and Emilia Giuliani on 31 October 1828. The address is now "ohnbest[immt]" (unknown), the sisters' guardian is still Joseph Reichel, living at Wieden 54. They are described as "foster daughter of the guitarist Giuliani" and the validity is noted with "Verlängert" (extended), followed by "unbemittelt" (poor) (A-Wsa, Konskriptionsamt, Passprotokoll B4/13, fol. 215).

Maria Willmuth's passport was renewed again in 1830 by the Lower Austrian Provincial Court.

The decree issued by the Vienna Magistrate, informing Joseph Reichel that he has been appointed guardian of Emilie Emanuela Giuliani ("conceived out of wedlock by Maria Anna Giuliani") and that he is requested to appear at the town hall to take the oath as guardian on 9 December 1828 at 10 p.m. (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 865/1829)

The Sisters' Return to Italy

As Gerhard Penn has shown in 2014, Giuliani left Vienna for good on 3 August 1819. Penn was able to prove that after going to Prague, Karlsbad, and possibly Munich, Giuliani returned to Italy via Innsbruck. Giuliani's presence in Venice in November 1819, where he stayed at the Locanda Gran Bretagna, is documented by his letter to Domenico Artaria (A-Wst, H.I.N. 69.730). Giuliani stayed in Venice for two weeks and then went to Trieste to stay with his parents for three months. He was hoping to make money by giving concerts in Italy and in his letter describes his plans to go to Paris and return to Vienna via the Netherlands and Germany. That in his letter to Artaria he not once mentions his wife and his upcoming reunion with her, gives rise to the thought that he had never told his friend that he was married. Giuliani certainly intended to return to Vienna at some time and to personally take his two daughters with him. But for economic or perhaps medical reasons this plan never came to fruition. The recent discovery of a 100-page file in the holdings of the civil court of the Vienna City Council sheds new light on the events surrounding the departure of Giuliani's daughters to Italy. A complete publication of this archival material is of course not possible in the scope of a blogpost. I gladly leave this work to be done by Giuliani experts.

Giuliani did not go to Vienna, but sent his sister Emanuela Lucci (the wife of Gaetano Lucci, cellist at Palermo's Real Teatro Carolino) to take her nieces to Italy. That Emanuela was in Vienna in September 1822 is already known from Giuliani's letter to Artaria of 7 September 1822. Emanuela Lucci first contacted the Vienna authorities in early October 1822. On 3 October 1822 she went to the "k.k. Waisenhaus" on the Alsergrund, presented a statement, signed by her brother and attested by the Austrian ambassador in Rome, Count Anton Apponyi von Nagy-Apponyi, and told the head of the orphanage that she wanted to take Emilia Giuliani with her to Palermo. The administrative machinery of the Vienna Magistrate was slowly set into motion. Three issues had to be taken care of by the authorities:
  1. A passport had to be issued for the children.
  2. Following a new regulation, published on 19 October 1822 by the Lower Austrian government, a guardian had to be appointed for Emilia Giuliani.
  3. Maria Willmuth's maternal heritage had to be administered by her guardian also after she had left Vienna.
In a conflation of names, which resembles the above-mentioned Wiesenberger-Willmuth-mix-up in Johann Georg Wiesenberger's probate file, the Magistrate filed the proceedings related to this case under "Willmuth Emilie m". The ten entries pertaining to Giuliani's daughters in the court's Officiosa registers from 1822 until 1835 provide only a very meager documentation of the events. The earliest entry already refers to the court's reaction to Lucci's original request (whose registration is referred to with "vid: ult: Pag: 122.").

The earliest entry in the 1822 Officiosa, describing the immediate actions of the municipal court in response to Emanuela Lucci's request. Note the name "Willmuth Emilie m [minor]" and the names "Emilie Willmuth und Emilie Giuliani" in the entry (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, B1/277, W, p. 114).

The first document in the entry on the above picture is the "Referatsabschrift des politischen [Justiz] Senats" of 26 October 1822 in matters of the issuance of a passport. The document, which sums up the decision of the provincial government of 12 October, reads as follows:
presented on 21 October 1822
Government decree of 12 of this month No. 50180.
Report until 7 November concerning the request of Emanuela Lucci for a passport for her niece Nina Maria.
Circular: 23 October.
Considering the fact that according to the conducted inquiry the supplicant's nieces, for whom the issuance of a one-year passport was requested, are underage and born here, I forward all files to the justice senate by means of a report copy with the friendly request: to report here as soon as possible, with the inclusion of the communications, whether on the part of the superior guardian, there is no objection against the issuance of a passport for the aforesaid wards Maria and Emilie Giuliani. At the same time I advise the honorable senate to urgently speed up this case, because in case of a delay, the supplicant may leave without taking her nieces with her and the chance for support of these poor wards would be lost.
[Johann Leopold] Stöger m/p
The municipal court commented on this as follows:
The honorable political senate has to be informed immediately that no objection prevails here against the issuance of a passport to Palermo for the thirteen-year-old Willmuth. As far as the nine-year-old Emilie Giuliani is concerned, according to inquiries, she is under the supervision of the orphanage and therefore a letter has been sent there; it is also noted, by the way, that Maria Willmuth owns an asset of 800 gulden in Vienna Currency which is invested in the mortgage of a house, of which the certificate is kept by this department. In regards of this decree the court agent Ritter von Pernold is to be summoned to provide information concerning Nina Giuliani who is staying with him. Also to be summoned to appear on 25 October at 10 a.m. are Emanuela Lucci, née Giuliani, staying with Dominik Tramonti at Kärntnerstraße 1005, 5th floor, and the City sequestrator Sebastian Reindl as guardian of the minor Emilie[!] Willmuth, with his decree of guardianship. The Vienna Magistrate on 24 October 1822.
The name "Nina Giuliani" obviously refers to Maria Willmuth who was accomodated at Stadt 885 by the court agent Joseph von Pernold, Ritter von Berwald und Bernthal (1760-1827). Pernold, who in 1817 may have been Giuliani's landlord, is known to have been a music lover. To speed up the date of her hearing, on 25 October 1822 Emanuela Lucci submitted the following request to the Vienna Magistrate:

Emanuela Lucci's request to the Vienna Magistrate to schedule a hearing concerning her departure with her niece Maria Willmuth (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822). This document is not autograph.
Honorable Magistrate!
Since I wish to take my niece Maria Wilmuth, who is an illegitimate child, with me to Palermo and I want to speed up my departure, because at a later time the season will be very unfavorable for a long sea voyage, I request the following:
The Honorable Magistrate may deign to schedule a speedy date of hearing with the calling in of the City sequestrator Mr. Reindl as appointed guardian of my said niece, to deliver a statement concerning my request and accordingly grant the permission as superior guardian.
                                                                 Emanuela Lucci
                                                                 née Giuliani.
On 26 October 1822 the Magistrate's political senate initiated the issuance of a passport to Palermo and sent a letter to the administration of the I. & R. orphanage, to release Emilia Giuliani from its custody to which the Waisenhaus Direction responded on 27 October 1822. Since the statement of the orphanage provides an interesting view on Emilia Giuliani's early childhood, it shall be quoted here in extenso.

The second and third page of the orphanage's response of 27 October 1822. In the middle section is the court's response concerning the appointment of Emilia Giuliani's guardian (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822).
The administration of the orphanage does not know at all, whether the girl Emilie Emanuela Giuliani, who previously was considered an orphan, has a guardian or not. Because this issue became the administration's duty only through the high circular note of 25th of this month. In accordance to a high government decree of 25 September 1820 Emilie Emanuela Giuliani already became a recipient of the care of the orphanage's poor relief fund, and on 16 October of that year was transferred from the hands of her previous foster-mother Theresia Glück into the care of the widow of a civil servant Anna Franz who lives at Strozzigrund 41. – It was on the 3rd of the current month when Emilia Lucci, née Giuliani told the administration of the orphanage that she had the assignment to take her niece back to her father or grandfather Mauro Giuliani.
Because at that time she produced a written declaration which was signed by Mauro Giuliani and attested by the ambassador in Rome, his Excellency Count Apponyi, the administration of the orphanage could give Mrs. Emanuela Lucci no other answer than the following: the orphanage cannot oppose her request; in addition to that it offers to support it and, if she would need it, provide assistance in getting a passport.
It seems that she did not need any help from the orphanage at all; because since the aforesaid day (3 October) she did not show up anymore and the previous foster-mother, the widow Anna Franz, on the occasion of the handing in of the payment form, notified us that on the 12th of the current month, Signora Emanuela Lucci had taken over her niece. Thus she [Anna Franz] was paid the subsistence expenses only until the afore-mentioned day. Considering the circumstances, the question cannot be the compliance or noncompliance with a high order, of whose existence the administration of the orphanage could not be aware before the 19th [October], when it was published in the official gazette, and before the 25th, when it was delivered directly from the high provincial government. This is being responded to yesterday's honorable notice without delay and with respect.
                               Wirz: 27. October [1822]
The City sequestrator Sebastian Reindl was appointed guardian of Emilia Giuliani, the issuance of a passport for the children was granted and they left Vienna with their aunt in early November 1822. But of course this did not mean that the children were legally allowed to emigrate. They were underage, had a guardian in Vienna and hence the Vienna authorities expected them to return at some  point.

The Negotiations Concerning Maria Willmuth's Inheritance

The lawsuit that followed Johann Nepomuk Wildauer's 1816 bankruptcy was settled in 1818. After all judicial procedures were over Maria Willmuth's net maternal inheritance – the sad remains of a small fortune that had been reduced by the state's and Wildauer's bankruptcies – consisted of nothing more than a certificate of debt of 840 gulden 40 kreutzer WW (Vienna Currency), bearing five percent interest, signed on 4 May 1818 by the canvas imprinter Jakob Fink and his wife Rosina. The guardian Sebastian Reindl collateralized the remaining debt of 640 f WW with a mortgage on Fink's house, Margarethen 153 (today Schönbrunner Straße 45).

Maria Willmuth's asset of 640 f WW among the liabilities, listed in the probate file of Rosina Fink who died on 11 March 1828 (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A2, 4851/1828). Rosina Fink owed Willmuth 128 gulden CM which is half of the total mortgage converted into Conventionsmünze. Jakob Fink's house was sold in 1838. Fink died on 25 November 1849.

A part of the interest yielded by this asset were used for paying Maria's guardian for his administrative work and the bigger part was given to the Vienna "Depositenamt" (the municipal treasury) which changed the money into the more valuable Conventionsmünze (Assimilated Coinage) and invested it into "Metall-Obligationen" (metal bonds) at one percent interest. By 1 January 1827 the interest from Maria Willmuth's inheritance had accumulated to (a meager) 100 gulden Conventionsmünze and 22 gulden 40 kreutzer in cash. Thus the total sum of her assets was 378 gulden 40 kreutzer in Conventionsmünze. The existence of these assets, which in 1822 Willmuth had to leave behind in Vienna, because her guardian was in charge of this money, led to a voluminous correspondence between governmental authorities, the guardians and Giuliani. Almost one hundred pages of the file A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822 consist of an extensive debate between two municipal departments, the Hofkammer-Prokuratur, the Polizeihofstelle and the board of appeal of the Lower Austrian Provincial Court, as to whether Willmuth's money was allowed to be transferred to Naples and what costs this would involve. It is somewhat curious that in this correspondence the wrong name "Anna Wieselberger" (coined by the police in 1815) appears again. Giuliani's legal representative in Vienna was of course Domenico Artaria, who during his absence in August 1835 was represented by his employee, the guitarist Anton Gräffer. Thomas Heck, who had no other explanation for the existence of Willmuth's money in Vienna, took it for a dowry that Giuliani had established for her from his own means. Heck writes: "Whatever the case, to Giuliani's credit he acknowledged young Maria Willmuth and looked after her for the rest of his life, even establishing a sizeable dowry for her in Vienna at the height of his career in 1817." Of course Giuliani's attempts to get his daughter's money transferred to Italy repeatedly surface in his letters to Artaria. In a letter of 13 May 1828 he explicitly refers to the value of these assets:

A section of Giuliani's letter to Artaria of 13 May 1828 (A-Wst, H.I.N. 69.734). Heck's varying transcriptions of the first sentence of this paragraph are very flawed.
The above-mentioned Magistrate, in the account sent to me, tells me that from the entire period as of 26 November 1827 it holds 840 gulden Vienna Currency, 100 gulden Assimilated Coinage [Conventionsmünze], and one gulden 56 kreutzer [CM] in cash.
The quandary Giuliani was facing in regards of his daughter's inheritance, was basically the result of his life choices in Vienna and his illegitimate propagation. His daughter Maria Willmuth was underage until 1832, he was neither her legal father nor her legal guardian and from the point of view of the Vienna authorities her stay in Italy was only temporary. There was no way of getting Maria Willmuth's money to Italy before she became of age and even after 1832 this transfer would have involved a payment of a ten percent departure tax ("Abfahrtsgeld"). Years went by. In 1825 Willmuth's guardian Sebastian Reindl was replaced by the "k.k. Landrechts-Gültenschätzmeister" Joseph Reichel, who in 1829 was followed by the City sequestrator Peter Würth.

The receipt of the purchase of state bonds for  100 gulden on 6 November 1827 with the interest of Maria Willmuth's inheritance (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822)

The amount of Anna Willmuth's assets in gulden Conventionsmünze (in bonds and cash), registered on 13 November 1827 by the municipal secretary Johann Baptist Umlauf. 101 f 56 x CM is the amount that appears in Giuliani's letter of 13 May 1828 (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822).

The Vienna Magistrate wanted Maria Willmuth to return to Vienna, either alone or with her father to personally negotiate the withdrawal of her money. This was impossible, because Giuliani could not leave Naples, his daughter could not go to Vienna alone, and most importantly, the amount of money that was to be withdrawn was not high enough to be worth the long and expensive voyage. In April 1828 Giuliani had his daughter write a declaration, whose authenticity was attested by the Austrian embassy, and sent it to Vienna, together with an affidavit for his friend Artaria to withdraw Maria's money. In a letter to the Vienna City Council, which was probably translated into German in Artaria's firm and written on a blank leaf of paper, signed by Giuliani in advance, Giuliani explains why he and his daughter Maria could not go to Vienna and expresses his hopes that the documents he sent to Vienna would facilitate a successful withdrawal of his daughter's assets.

The second page of Giuliani's letter of 24 April 1828 to the Vienna City Council (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822)
Your Honor!
Your esteemed letter of 26 December 1827 from Vienna, including the attachments, has reached me only a few days ago, thus I do not wait to express my due gratitude and to present the following statement concerning further kind negotiations.
A girl of this age cannot be made to take such a long voyage, the costs of which would exceed the assets that are to withdrawn and besides, she must be cared for there. My interests hold me back here and I could certainly not accompany her. Considering this, and because for the last six years I have like a father taken care of everything for my foster-daughter, so that the cost of the teachers needed for her education (according to my rough calculation) has exceeded the amount of her assets that are deposited there. Because, on the other hand, I certainly intend to fatherly take care of her in the future, I had the enclosed original document by my foster-daughter Maria Willmuth officially attested at the chancellery of the local I. & R. Embassy, to withdraw the amount deposited at the honorable Vienna City Council. I also sent Mr. Domenico Artaria, art dealer on the Kohlmarkt, a written affidavit, to initiate everything necessary, to receive the amount at hand in behalf of my foster-daughter and send it to me.
In the opinion that concerning this declaration, which is completely in favor and accordance of my foster-daughter's well-being and interest, no further obstacle will prevail, to withdraw the deposited amount, I ask Your Honor to cooperate to this end and at the same time to allow the assurance of my highest respect in which I remain
                                            Your Honor's
Naples, April 24, 1828.         most obedient servant
                                             Mauro Giuliani
                                             chamber virtuoso of Her Majesty,
                                             Archduchess Maria Louise of Parma etc.
Even Willmuth's guardian in a statement to the Vienna authorities confirmed that the entire inheritance could not balance the expenses that Giuliani had already invested into his daughter's education. Giuliani did not live to see the transfer of his daughter's money. In the last letter he wrote to Artaria on 10 April 1829 he still refers to recovering "il principale" and the interest of Willmuth's money. The main issue for the Vienna Court Chamber in connection with Willmuth's assets was not their transfer abroad, but the question as to whether she would ever return to Vienna. In case of her definite emigration the legal situation was completely different. After her father's death in 1829 Maria Willmuth continued her effort to get her money with more decided means. In November 1830 she applied for an emigration permit and asked Domenico Artaria and Prince Pignatelli (who seems to have been a friend of her late father) to intervene with the Vienna authorities. At the same time she announced that she intended to marry, which from a tactical point of view may not have been a good idea. The realization of her plans turned out to be more difficult than expected. Yet another obstacle appeared: the immigration laws of  the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies provided for a very high immigration fee that would have consumed Willmuth's entire inheritance. In a report of 29 November 1830, which was copied for the City of Vienna's politico-economic senate, the gist of Artaria's and Pignatelli's petition and a description of the new obstacle survive.

The first page of the summary of Artaria's and Pignatelli's petition in Maria Willmuth's guardianship file (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822)
Dominik Artaria and Prince Pignatelli request permission for the transfer of the assets of the underage Maria Willmuth.
The underage Maria Willmuth, a local ward aged 21, is currently staying with her foster-father Mauro Giuliani in Naples. Her guardian is the City sequestrator Würth; she owns an asset, part of a mortgage worth 640 f WW. The supplicants present a declaration by the ward wherein she concedes this amount to her foster-father, as a small compensation for his love, care, fostering and the good deeds he has done, and an affidavit by M. Giuliani for Dominik Artaria to receive the money. The guardian confirmed that by receiving this amount M. Giuliani will by far not be compensated for what he has done and paid for the ward. Before the delivery they turned to the I. & R. Court- and Chamber-Procurator with the question, if departure tax would have to be paid from the amount that is to be withdrawn. This was answered to the effect that, owing to the fact that no Austrian citizen living abroad can be denied to have money sent to him to cover his needs, the delivery can even less pose an offence, since the amount itself is insignificant and can well be considered to serve the purpose of her subsistence.
If there were a reason however to assume that the same [ward] has the intention not to return to the Austrian States, the delivery of the assets could under no circumstance take place, on the contrary, the Court- and Chamber-Procurator would have to reserve all the rights that the treasury could accrue from the ward's illegal or suspicious absence and would explicitly insist on the refusal of the delivery and the taking of legal action. Now the guardian has declared that the ward is planning to get married in Naples and not to return to the Austrian States, that in the meantime M. Giuliani has died, that the guardian, together with D. Artaria and Prince Pignatelli, has applied for an emigration permit for the ward at the provincial government, and that a hearing is currently pending at the esteemed political senate of this Magistrate; finally that he was told by the secretary of the Neapolitan embassy that the taxes for the ward's possible admittance into the union of Neapolitan citizens are substantial and would consume the ward's entire assets. Thus it is necessary to ask the esteemed political senate for information concerning the pending negotiation regarding the requested emigration.
Willmuth's certificate of admittance to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies did not arrive in Vienna. On 7 December 1830, the municipal counselor Johann Leopold Stöger wrote the following: "Although Prince de Pignatelli and Dominik Artaria already in April of this year applied for an emigration permit for Maria Willmuth, who has been staying for several years with her foster-father Mauro Giuliani in Naples, the previous negotiations could not be continued, because the certificate of admittance could not be produced on the part of Maria Willmuth. Because the supplicants themselves are concerned that it will take some time until this document can be supplied, and therefore declared that for the time being they abstain from their application and will renew it as soon as they receive the certificate of admittance in question. [...] No further negotiation has been conducted in the case of Maria Willmuth and it can only be continued and concluded after the arrival of a certificate of admittance and a new application."

Maria Willmuth's marriage plans seem not to have been realized in 1831, because in none of the Viennese sources is she being referred to as having a different name. In January 1832 she decided to bypass the Vienna Magistrate and to use a different official channel to succeed in the effort to obtain her money. She had the Austrian embassy in Naples intervene directly with the state chancellery in Vienna. From the state chancellery the case went to the highest judicial office which forwarded it to the court of appeal, or to express it in Austrian terms, the "K.K. Appellations= u. Kriminal=Obergericht in Oesterreich ob und unter der Enns" whose head, Friedrich Christian Baron von Gärtner in February 1832 requested an official statement concerning this matter from – the Vienna Magistrate. The Magistrate on 8 March 1832, with the inclusion of the entire correspondence, sent the requested report to the court of appeal of which a copy survives in Willmuth's guardianship file. This document – a kind of  written distillate of Austrian Biedermeier bureaucracy – is essentially an account ab ovo gemino Ledæ. It begins with Maria Willmuth's baptism "on 20 April 1808 as illegitimate child of Maria Anna Willmuth, living on private means", among other things points to the fact that the obligatory ten percent "Abfahrtsgeld" had already been paid by the guardian Würth in 1831 and explains that the only remaining obstacle for the release of Willmuth's money was the continuing denial of the emigration permit which could not be granted, as long as the permit of admittance from Naples had not arrived.

It is difficult to determine from Willmuth's guardianship file when exactly her money was transferred to Italy, because the source material does not describe the actual transfer, but ends in late 1835, at a point when the money was "about to be released". In 1835 Maria Willmuth had finally been granted the permission to emigrate, but – not surprisingly – her money was still in Vienna. The procedure of spring 1832 saw a repetition. In August 1835 Baron Gärtner again asked the Vienna Magistrate for a report and the Magistrate responded as follows:

The first page of the draft of the Vienna Magistrate's latest surviving report concerning the transfer of Maria Willmuth's money to Naples (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822)
In dutiful observance of the high order of 11 August 1835, appellation No. 9257, within the further deadline, granted with the high decree of 22 September 1835, appellation No. 10708, in regards of the delivery of Maria Willmuth's assets, it is obediently reported back that the sent decree of the Lower Austrian government, whereby Maria Willmuth was granted the permission to emigrate from the Austrian States, including the sent Italian documents related to this, were delivered to the local art dealer Dominik Artaria, who previously had intervened in matters of Maria Willmuth, and (because an affidavit to receive money cannot be found in the file and also could not be presented by him) that the same has been told to submit the properly instructed delivery application [Erfolglassungsgesuch] for Maria Willmuth's assets that are deposited here, including a proper affidavit, made out to receive money, or, in case Maria Willmuth wants a direct delivery of her asset to Naples, to specify here the way of dispatching and the Neapolitan authority to which the money is to be sent.
             Vienna, October 28th, 1835.
Willmuth's latest appearance in a Viennese archival source occurs in the register of mortgages (Matzleinsdorf Satzbuch E) of the Herrschaft Domkapitel which also contains the mortgages of the houses in Margarethen. The entry concerning the mortgage on Jakob and Rosina Fink's house Margarethen 153, which consisted of Maria Willmuth's inheritance, shows that the mortgage had been contracted in 1818 by Willmuth's guardian Sebastian Reindl. A detailed note on the margin of folio 191 of the register, dating from December 1836, reveals that in October 1822 from the original amount of 840 gulden Vienna Currency 200 gulden were paid to Emanuela Lucci to cover her travel expenses. In December 1836 Willmuth's mortgage was assigned to the master dyer and manufacturer of imprinted canvas Hermann Blumauer (owner of Neubau No. 6) who paid Dominik Artaria 640 gulden in Vienna Currency.

The beginning of the entry concerning the mortgage on Jakob Fink's house Margarethen 153 with a note on the left margin referring to the payment of 200 f in 1822 and at the bottom referring to Maria Willmuth's date of birth (A-Wsa, Patrimonialherrschaften, GB 128/17, fol. 191r)

The most important part of the note in the mortgage register reads as follows:
[fol. 191r] According to the presented baptismal certificate of the local metropolitan and main parish of St. Stephen's Maria Willmuth was baptized on 20 April 1898 and therefore is of legal age. Incorporated on 12 December in consequence of the decree of 12 December 1836. [fol. 191v] By means of the assignment of 19 November 1836 Maria Willmuth, represented by her mandatary Dominik Artaria, who was legitimized with an affidavit, attested in Naples and dated 16 December 1835, assigned the alongside mortgage of 640 fr. W.W. including 5% interest without any further liability to Mr. Hermann Blumauer, whereby Jakob Fink as sole debtor acknowledged the correctness of this obligation, to pay back this fund on request, but with six months notice, and in the meantime to pay the agreed 5% interest in rates of six months, failing that, with immediate due date of payment.

The entry (on the left margin) concerning the sale of Willmuth's investment to Hermann Blumauer in December 1836 (A-Wsa, Patrimonialherrschaften, GB 128/17, fol. 191v). The main text, where Willmuth's name appears in the second line, refers to the original mortgage of 1818.

In late 1836 Maria Willmuth finally received the meager remains of her maternal heritage. Contrary to the life of her sister, who had a career as guitarist and composer and became a kind of icon as female musician, nothing is known about Maria Willmuth's life after 1836. It will be one of the many tasks of future research to shed more light on her biography.


The unveiling of Giuliani's private life in Vienna is far less surprising than the fact that it took more than two-hundred years until it came to light. Giuliani's three illegitimate daughters may also affect his image as hot-blooded artist from southern Italy. But in my opinion the most important part of this discovery is the fact that Emilia Giuliani-Guglielmi's biological mother Anna Wiesenberger finally enters the stage of music history. Anna Wiesenberger having been the mother of three of Giuliani's children should above all be appreciated as what is was: a great, secret and eventually tragic love story. There is no reason to assume that after his return to Italy Giuliani ever got together again with his wife. Their marriage seems to have been already over in 1807. A number of questions still remain and a couple of research tasks are left to be carried out. I have been unable to resolve the obvious question as to why the long lasting Wiesenberger-inheritance-problem did not apply to Emilia Giuliani as well. She also must have inherited some assets from her mother. Did her family name and the fact that she was not a foster-daughter, but a *real* one play any part in the avoidance of legal problems in her case? There are of course a lot of "archival spots" that cry out for a deeper digging. During the last three weeks I had a number of interesting ideas, but it is too early to discuss them in public. To be honest, I never wanted to delve into Giuliani research. But he proved relentless and eventually caught up with me.

Heck. Thomas F. 1970. The Birth of the Classic Guitar and its Cultivation in Vienna, Reflected in the Career and Compositions of Mauro Giuliani (d.1929). PhD. Diss. Yale University.
Heck. Thomas F. 1995. Mauro Giuliani. Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer. Columbus, OH. Editions Orphée.
Heck, Thomas F. 2013. Mauro Giuliani. A Life For The Guitar. Guitar Foundation of America. GFA Refereed Monographs No. 2. Austin, TX. Kindle Edition.
Penn. Gerhard. 2014. "Mauro Giuliani und andere Gitarristen in München – Übersehene Fakten und verschollene Werke". Paper given at the EGTA-D-Symposium. Garching bei München. 26 October 2014.
Riboni. Marco. "Mauro Giuliani: un aggiornamento biografico". Il ‘Fronimo’. No. 81 (1992). 41-60. No. 82 (1993). 33-51.

The research for this blogpost, which was prompted by the discovery of the file concerning Maria Willmuth's guardianship (A-Wsa, Mag. ZG, A3, 594/1822), was conducted between 18 and 25 March 2015. I thank my niece Valentina Lorenz, Bakk.phil. and Federica Ligarò for their assistance with the translation of Italian texts and Dexter Edge for his advice in matters of translating historical Austrian vocabulary.